Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development

Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development

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Spheres of Influence: The Family figure 2: socioeconomic gradients in stunting among three andean countries diseases as they have emerged. Data from the turn of the century for countries such as England and Wales show the gradient effect for the major causes of disease and death of the time (infectious diseases) among adults. Over the next 3-5 decades those diseases declined and were replaced by chronic diseases such as heart disease. At first, heart disease displayed a different epidemiological pattern, disproportionately affecting those who were privileged enough to live long enough to get it. But over time the socioeconomic gradient re-asserted itself. In the case of heart disease this occurred by the 1950s. For children’s health, the association with ses is rather weak in the resource-rich nations, in large part due to the lack of chronic physical illness or death in children in these countries. However, there is strong indication that ses is association with lead exposure and incidence of asthma there [64, 87-89]. However, the evidence in 34

Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development other parts of the world is starting to show an ses-health relationship. A recent study found a striking association between ses and under-5 mortality in a population of children from 43 resource-poor countries. The same study suggested that, among these nations, socioeconomic inequality in child mortality was increasing (the gap was widening) as the overall economies were growing [90]. In the cognitive domain, ses has been linked to school enrollment, mathematics and language achievement and literacy, and school attainment. Most of these studies involve older children and adults, however there is data to demonstrate the effects of ses on children’s cognitive development outcomes. Much of this data is derived from research conducted in the United States and other resource-rich nations [91]. However, there is also evidence that arises from investigations involving resource-poor nations. In particular, the effect of ses on reading literacy among fourth-graders was clearly demonstrated in the Progress in International Literacy Study (pirls), which involved a sample of 43 nations, many of which could be characterized at the lower end of the world economic spectrum [92]. In Zimbabwe, cognitive performance as measured by children using taxonomic versus functional classification strategies was associated with social class. A host of studies have also found that language proficiency is associated with ses in young children [43]. Compared with cognitive development, socio-emotional development shows a less consistent association with ses. In part this is due to the fact that psychological conditions are difficult to assess and diagnose in children. In very young children, there seems to be an absence of an ses gradient in socio-emotional development. However, in middle childhood, there is relatively strong evidence of ses gradients, particularly in externalizing behaviors [43]. There are also some exceptions to the general pattern of ses gradients, in which health and development outcomes improve with improved ses. For example, gradients in obesity for some nations suggest that richer individuals are more likely to be obese [93]. As well, a recent study suggested that childhood insulin resistance was more prevalent among those with wealthier and more educated parents in Estonia and Portugal [93]. five characteristics of ses gradients Across this incredible body of evidence, there are five main generalizable characteristics of ses gradients. First, that within a population, the effect of ses is generally continuous, or stepwise, such that each additional increment of ses results in additional gains to one’s health and development (NB: there are contexts in which this is not strictly the case). In other words, there are successive increases in these outcomes from lower to higher socioeconomic levels in society. The gradient effect, then, can be conceptualized as a roughly linear relationship for the purposes of this discussion (see Figure 2). The primary implication of the continuous nature of the relationship is best understood by contrasting it to a threshold effect. A threshold effect would imply a dichotomous relationship within a society; wherein the assumption would be that one level of health/development is associated with being ‘rich’ and another with being ‘poor.’ The gradient effect instead suggests that there are degrees of change in health and development associated with degrees of change in ses [7 7]. Second, as aforementioned, ses gradients in health and development are evident in every country in which they have been measured, be they wealthy countries or poor, minority or majority, so-called ‘developed’ or ‘developing’. In other words, irrespective of the space occupied by any nation on the ‘world’s socioeconomic spectrum,’ poverty thresholds (though important in their own right) are not in and of themselves a sufficient way of characterizing the relationship between individual/family socioeconomic conditions and health. Even in countries with widespread abject deprivation, degrees of improvement in socioeconomic circumstances are association with degrees of improvement in health and development. This is well illustrated by socioeconomic gradients in resource-poor nations that extend even to ‘slum’ living conditions. Data from Kenya demonstrates that, indeed, neo- Spheres of Influence: The Family 35

Spheres of<br />

Influence:<br />

The Family<br />

figure 2: socioeconomic gradients<br />

in stunting among three<br />

andean countries<br />

diseases as they have emerged. Data from<br />

the turn of the century <strong>for</strong> countries such as<br />

England and Wales show the gradient effect<br />

<strong>for</strong> the major causes of disease and death of<br />

the time (infectious diseases) among adults.<br />

Over the next 3-5 decades those diseases<br />

declined and were replaced by chronic<br />

diseases such as heart disease. At first, heart<br />

disease displayed a different epidemiological<br />

pattern, disproportionately affecting those<br />

who were privileged enough to live long<br />

enough to get it. But over time the socioeconomic<br />

gradient re-asserted itself. In the case<br />

of heart disease this occurred by the 1950s.<br />

For children’s health, the association<br />

with ses is rather weak in the resource-rich<br />

nations, in large part due to the lack of<br />

chronic physical illness or death in children<br />

in these countries. However, there is strong<br />

indication that ses is association with lead<br />

exposure and incidence of asthma there<br />

[64, 87-89]. However, the evidence in<br />

34

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