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Final Report - World Trade Organization

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It can well be expected that when the CA is not<br />

even legally autonomous, there will be interference<br />

from the Government, which has been proved both<br />

in Kenya and Tanzania. In Kenya of course the<br />

Minister was right in overruling CA’s decision in the<br />

Coca Cola case. However, this cannot be generalised<br />

as it is not known if the Minister took the right and<br />

impartial decision in all the cases that have been<br />

overruled. It may, however, be noted that in Kenya<br />

the Minister is well within his lawful right to overrule<br />

any decision of the CA.<br />

In Tanzania, the arrangement is quite different. Here<br />

even though the CA functions under the Ministry, its<br />

decisions are binding except in M&A cases. In the<br />

Kibo Breweries v. Tanzania Breweries Limited<br />

case, the CA’s decision was binding and neither the<br />

Minister nor any other senior officer in the Ministry<br />

was required to play any role. However, the<br />

Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Industry and<br />

<strong>Trade</strong> who was a member of the TBL’s board<br />

supported the company in contravening the order of<br />

the CA. 208 This is a blatant violation of the law of<br />

the land.<br />

The CA being de jure autonomous of course does<br />

not necessarily mean that it will enjoy de facto<br />

autonomy. This was evident in Pakistan where the<br />

Government interfered in a number of cases, the<br />

cement cartel case being the most notable one. The<br />

competition authority tried to curb cartelisation and<br />

collusive pricing by the manufacturers but the<br />

government intervened to fix prices at a ‘mutually<br />

acceptable’ level. 209<br />

No such undue intervention by the Government was<br />

reported in other 7-Up countries. In Sri Lanka, it is<br />

believed that government interference is there, but it<br />

was not apparent in so far as handling of the cases<br />

are concerned. In case of India and Sri Lanka it may<br />

be quite possible that by remaining relatively inactive,<br />

especially in controversial and difficult cases, the CAs<br />

ensured that the vested interests did not feel any need<br />

to interfere in their affairs.<br />

There might be other kinds of external influence on<br />

the CAs as well. Public opinion is one such factor.<br />

Sometimes competition authorities get swayed by<br />

public opinion/emotions or national sentiments and<br />

take decisions, which may not be the best or required<br />

to promote competition. The takeover of East Kenya<br />

Bottlers Co. Ltd by Coca Cola in Kenya became a<br />

national issue there. Even though it did not raise any<br />

major competition issue as such the CA decided to<br />

block it, partly because it was highly influenced by<br />

the public opinion. Secondly, because it violated an<br />

undertaking by Coca Cola to not to take over any<br />

further bottling plants in the country.<br />

Similarly in Zambia, the Chilanga Cement case<br />

became a national issue and ZCC, even though was<br />

initially swayed by the public mood, finally allowed<br />

the takeover with some conditions, which was<br />

probably the best option before it. However, still many<br />

people in Zambia feel that ZCC should not have<br />

allowed the takeover.<br />

Public perception on competition may not be<br />

necessarily correct. CAs need to take decisions<br />

based on merits (of promoting and maintaining<br />

competition) and not popular perceptions. Sometimes<br />

CAs devote much of regulatory resource in a case<br />

that may not be important from competition viewpoint<br />

but on public mood, which may have been whipped<br />

up by the media, which in turn could have been<br />

orchestrated by some interested party. But<br />

conserving regulatory resource, which is scarce is<br />

very important. Prioritising the cases on merits may<br />

help in this regard.<br />

Lobbying by different interest groups can also make<br />

a difference in many jurisdictions. In India, for<br />

example, the MRTPC was found to be quite active<br />

in one case but exhibiting complete silence in the<br />

other case. This may raise doubts if the MRTPC<br />

indeed acts on its own. In the soda ash case, the<br />

domestic soda ash lobby: AMAI lobbied for the case,<br />

which was backed by few big industrial houses of<br />

the country. In the cement cases the sufferers are<br />

ordinary consumers. Even the appellant, the Builders<br />

Association of India is an association of small builders<br />

who do not wield much power.<br />

It was also generally observed that businesses are<br />

more active in lobbying and consumer movement is<br />

weak in most countries. It is quite possible that the<br />

competition authorities might find it difficult to<br />

maintain a balance between business and consumer<br />

interests in a situation where there is lot of business<br />

lobbying but no countervailing influence. India is an<br />

208 See CUTS, 2002, Competition Law & Policy - A Tool for Development in Tanzania, table 6.<br />

209 CUTS, 2002, Competition Regime in Pakistan - Waiting for a Shake-Up, section 4.2.6.<br />

Pulling Up Our Socks w 69

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