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C H U R C H I L L P R O C E E D I N G S<br />
GREAT MAN THEORY...<br />
Writing in Great Contemporaries about Lords<br />
Roseberry and Curzon, <strong>Churchill</strong> extols the capabilities<br />
of two men he knew well, while making it clear that he<br />
did not believe the new political reality could accommodate<br />
such Old World aristocrats. But could the new<br />
Britain, for all its hard-won democracy, produce the sort<br />
of politicians who could preserve and perpetuate their<br />
inheritance <strong>Churchill</strong> believed the answer was yes.<br />
“Whatever one may think about democratic government,”<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong> wrote,<br />
it is just as well to have practical experience of its rough<br />
and slatternly foundations. No part of the education of a<br />
politician is more indispensable than the fighting of elections.<br />
Here you come in contact with all sorts of persons<br />
and every current of national life. You feel the<br />
Constitution at work in its primary processes. Dignity<br />
may suffer, the superfine gloss is soon worn away; nice<br />
particularisms and special private policies are scraped off;<br />
much has to be accepted with a shrug, a sigh or a smile;<br />
but at any rate in the end one knows a good deal about<br />
what happens and why. 16<br />
In all of this, <strong>Churchill</strong> was not simply speculating<br />
in the dark. He already had before him the example of<br />
his great colleague and mentor David Lloyd George. The<br />
Welsh Wizard’s famous “People’s Budget” of 1909 had<br />
been the very catalyst of what <strong>Churchill</strong> characterized as<br />
“a tidal wave of democracy.” The same radical reformer<br />
had then proven equally effective as a war leader in<br />
Britain’s most desperate crisis to date. Indeed, all of the<br />
leaders who gathered at Versailles’ table of victory in<br />
1919 represented democratic powers. In the Twenties<br />
and Thirties Lloyd George was still viewed as someone<br />
who might once again become prime minister.<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong> held a much dimmer view of Ramsay<br />
MacDonald, the first Labour prime minister.<br />
MacDonald came from even humbler origins than Lloyd<br />
George, but <strong>Churchill</strong> disagreed with him on almost all<br />
points. Yet it was not in <strong>Churchill</strong>’s nature to despair.<br />
Writing during the time of the first socialist government<br />
in 1924, <strong>Churchill</strong> noted:<br />
One may condemn unsparingly the actions and opinions<br />
of such a man at such a time without failing to recognize<br />
the qualities of sincerity, of strength of character, of<br />
tenacity of purpose, and the disregard of unpopularity<br />
which he unquestionably displayed, and which in happier<br />
circumstances might have been, and may perhaps still be,<br />
of exceptional service to his fellow countrymen. 17<br />
And so that brings us back to <strong>Churchill</strong>’s Boxing<br />
Day speech before the United States Congress in 1941.<br />
As Lincoln contemplated in his Gettysburg Address,<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong> too faced the question—as we again face it<br />
today: Can a democracy fight a war of survival without<br />
compromising its principles<br />
“I have been in full harmony all of my life,”<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong> told Congress,<br />
with the tides that flow on both sides of the Atlantic<br />
against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently<br />
towards the Gettysburg ideal of ‘government of<br />
the people by the people for the people.’ I owe my<br />
advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose<br />
servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are<br />
proud to be the servants of the State and would be<br />
ashamed to be its masters. 18<br />
At the end of “Mass Effects in Modern Life,”<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong> notes that Britain does have the<br />
option of abandoning democracy in favor of a<br />
strong man, an Il Duce, but he is clearly proud to note<br />
that that is not yet a path the British people have chosen<br />
to follow—or, by implication, are likely to follow.<br />
But would it continue to prove so under the<br />
gravest duress Ultimately the only answer to these questions<br />
would be experience. By his leadership in the<br />
Second World War, <strong>Churchill</strong> showed that universal<br />
democracy was more than up to the challenge: that it<br />
could, did and will continue to prevail. ,<br />
Endnotes<br />
1. <strong>Winston</strong> S. <strong>Churchill</strong>, “Mass Effects in Modern Life” in<br />
Thoughts and Adventures (London: Odhams, 1947), 192.<br />
2. Ibid., 193.<br />
3. Ibid., 194.<br />
4. <strong>Winston</strong> S. <strong>Churchill</strong>: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963, ed.<br />
Robert Rhodes James, 8 vols. (London: Chelsea House, 1974),<br />
VI:6356.<br />
5. <strong>Winston</strong> S. <strong>Churchill</strong>, A History of the English Speaking<br />
Peoples, vol. 3, The Age of Revolution (Norwalk, Connecticut: Easton<br />
Press, 1992), 111.<br />
6. Ibid., 142.<br />
7. Ibid., 132.<br />
8. Ibid., 139-40.<br />
9. Ibid., 142.<br />
10. Ibid., 220.<br />
11. Ibid., 221.<br />
12. <strong>Winston</strong> S. <strong>Churchill</strong>, A History of the English Speaking<br />
Peoples, vol. 4, The Great Democracies (Norwalk, Connecticut: Easton<br />
Press, 1992), 53.<br />
13. Ibid., 258.<br />
14. <strong>Winston</strong> S. <strong>Churchill</strong>, Great Contemporaries (New York:<br />
Norton, 1991), 40.<br />
15. Ibid., 61.<br />
16. Ibid., 6.<br />
17. <strong>Winston</strong> S. <strong>Churchill</strong>, “Ramsay MacDonald: The Man<br />
and the Politician,” in The Collected Essays of Sir <strong>Winston</strong> <strong>Churchill</strong>, 4<br />
vols. (London: Library of Imperial History, 1975), III:35.<br />
18. <strong>Churchill</strong>, Complete Speeches, VI:6356.<br />
FINEST HOUR 148 / 58