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elieves that <strong>Churchill</strong>’s behavior at the<br />
Admiralty revealed many of the personal<br />
failings that earned him a<br />
reputation of instability—rushing into<br />
action without thinking of the consequences,<br />
as in his attempt to relieve<br />
Antwerp early in the war (though he<br />
was sent there to—and did—prolong<br />
the city’s defense). <strong>Churchill</strong> forced his<br />
views on his professional staff, Holmes<br />
says, rejecting their advice when it<br />
didn’t match his views. All these failures<br />
drove him from office. (There are<br />
of course plentiful arguments against<br />
this fairly conventional view.)<br />
Holmes adds that impetuosity,<br />
stubbornness and aggressiveness were<br />
to serve <strong>Churchill</strong> well in 1940. His<br />
chapters on 1940-41, when Britain<br />
stood alone against the German<br />
onslaught, are among his best. Holmes<br />
shows that the PM actually enjoyed<br />
himself, despite the desperate crisis<br />
confronting him. When asked late in<br />
life what year he would want to relive,<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong> always replied, “1940.”<br />
Without <strong>Churchill</strong>, Holmes concludes,<br />
Britain would have lost the war,<br />
or at least signed a negotiated peace<br />
leading to domination by Germany. As<br />
John Lukacs points out in his Five Days<br />
in London, May 1940, <strong>Churchill</strong> brilliantly<br />
outmaneuvered the appeasers in<br />
Cabinet, and brought them around to<br />
his view that they must fight on.<br />
In one of his most insightful<br />
observations Holmes shows that the<br />
defeatism that surfaced in those dangerous<br />
days of May and June 1940 was<br />
not confined to right-wing reactionaries,<br />
but was in fact shared by<br />
what Holmes labels “the strident antipatriotism<br />
of the left.”<br />
Holmes’ chapters on <strong>Churchill</strong>’s<br />
role during the last years of World War<br />
II are not impressive. Like D’Este, he<br />
believes that <strong>Churchill</strong> was frustrated<br />
when he lost control of the war to the<br />
Americans. Perhaps, he writes, some of<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong>’s actions in these years—like<br />
his emphasis on the Mediterranean—<br />
were taken to convince the Americans<br />
that Britain still counted. But this is<br />
too pat an explanation of a complicated<br />
subject, which has been debated<br />
for decades (including in these pages),<br />
and will continue to be.<br />
John Ramsden, Man of the<br />
Century: <strong>Winston</strong> <strong>Churchill</strong> and His<br />
Legend Since 1945 (London:<br />
HarperCollins, 2002; New York:<br />
Columbia University Press, 2004);<br />
now available in paperback.<br />
Two more books which fascinate<br />
students are the studies of <strong>Churchill</strong>’s<br />
postwar reputation, providing examples<br />
of how <strong>Churchill</strong> continues to attract<br />
young people today. The late John<br />
Ramsden’s unique work, if my students<br />
are any guide, is one of the best ever<br />
written about WSC.<br />
Ramsden was fascinated by the<br />
growth of the <strong>Churchill</strong> legend in the<br />
years after the Second World War and<br />
how WSC projected that image<br />
throughout the English-speaking<br />
world. His book explains how WSC<br />
dealt with his election defeat in 1945,<br />
patiently rebuilding his reputation<br />
through his writings and speeches.<br />
Ramsden divides the <strong>Churchill</strong><br />
revival into three parts: the seizure of<br />
leadership of the anti-communist<br />
movement through his Iron Curtain<br />
speech at Fulton in 1946; the promotion<br />
of European unity; and, of course,<br />
his heroic reputation as the defiant<br />
World War II leader.<br />
Ramsden has dredged up many<br />
little-known facts. It was none other<br />
than Lord Halifax, he reveals, who<br />
helped refine <strong>Churchill</strong>’s Fulton speech<br />
to make it palatable to an American<br />
public that had not yet lost its admiration<br />
for the Russian war effort. And it<br />
was with marked surprise that<br />
Europeans heard the old warrior at<br />
Zurich that same year, arguing for<br />
Franco-German rapprochement: “we<br />
FINEST HOUR 148 / 41<br />
must re-create the European family in a<br />
regional structure called…the United<br />
States of Europe.” Nor did <strong>Churchill</strong><br />
exclude Russia; at heart he was an<br />
Atlanticist. Nevertheless, he considered<br />
the Anglo-American relationship<br />
supreme. “Each time we have to choose<br />
between Europe and the open sea,” he<br />
told Charles de Gaulle, “we shall<br />
always choose the open sea.” (To<br />
Britain’s disadvantage later, de Gaulle<br />
took this quite literally.)<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong>’s ultimate claim to<br />
mythic status, John Ramsden argues,<br />
still rests on World War II. He had<br />
been right about Nazism, and he was<br />
determined to prove it through his<br />
memoirs, which were at their peak, still<br />
unfinished, when Time proclaimed him<br />
“Man of the Half-Century” and the<br />
Nobel Committee awarded him its<br />
prize in Literature.<br />
David Reynolds, In Command of<br />
History: <strong>Churchill</strong> Fighting and<br />
Writing the Second World War (New<br />
York & London Penguin, 2004), now<br />
in paperback and Kindle.<br />
David Reynolds’ book is the<br />
most original of the above two works,<br />
taking up <strong>Churchill</strong>’s six-volume<br />
memoir, The Second World War,<br />
explaining how he wrote it, the structure<br />
he imposed on events, and the way<br />
in which he carried out his research. In<br />
a clever aside, Reynolds notes that<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong> fought the war twice—first<br />
as a wartime Prime Minister and secondly<br />
as the war’s first significant<br />
chronicler.<br />
<strong>Churchill</strong>, Reynolds says, was<br />
prompted to vindicate his role in >>