SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ...
SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ... SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ...
preference, and the variety of sexual identities is complex and linked with traditional customary practices. As in some other countries in region, in India boys may have sexual relations with other boys or with men as pre-adolescents or adolescents without establishing a permanent sexual preference for men. As youths, many boys sexually experiment with male partners during the onset of puberty, in part because custom forbids sexual activity with females (except female sex workers) and in part because there is no strict social prohibition of this behaviour, provided they are discreet about their activities. 222 This youthful sexual experimentation does not conflict with adult heterosexual relationships and marriage. At the same time, the lack of social prohibition, coupled with children’s reluctance to report sexual abuse, can provide a screen behind which boys can be forcibly and unwillingly abused by men and other boys in the home and community. Chawas is a name commonly used for men who have sex with men who prefer to retain male dress and do not display feminine characteristics. Due to the cultural imperative of marriage, many chawas marry and live observably heterosexual lives as adults. Others live with male partners, a social situation becoming increasingly common in urban India. For men who have sex with men who have a feminine gender construction, i.e., those who prefer to display feminine characteristics, there are several alternatives. Some maintain male dress and social presentation. Those who dress in female attire, whether usually or occasionally, are referred to as zenanas. Some spend part of their time dressed in male attire, even holding typical male jobs. Others spend all their time in female attire and live with other zenanas, as partners or in communities. In Pakistan, the term zenana is used for transvestite males who may or may not be castrated, while in India the term is frequently used to distinguish non-castrated transvestite males from males of traditional castrated communities, who are generally known as hijras. Often, the terms zenana and hijra are used interchangeably. Hijras have a long and in many cases respected tradition in South Asian society. The hijras refer to themselves as the ‘third gender’. As boys or young men, they assume the dress and habits of women, and the majority are castrated. They are inducted into an established group of hijras through a ritual called chatai, in which the initiate becomes the ‘daughter’ of the guru, or head, of the household. As in the guru-chela (student) relationships of South Asian tradition, the young person becomes the ‘property’ of the guru and is provided with food, housing and clothing and is integrated into the community – in this case a community of persons with alternative sexual identity. Human rights violations in the form of castration still accompany the entry of a young male into the hijra community. Traditionally, the hijras performed important social functions in the community, particularly ceremonies to bless newborn children, occasions that were noted for dancing, joking and ribald humour at the expense of the young father. Hijra gurus were often highly respected and conducted healing rituals for sick children and blessings for pregnant women. 223 In modern 222 Save the Children Sweden-Denmark (Slugget, C.), 2003, ‘Mapping of psychosocial support for girls and boys affected by child sexual abuse in four countries in South and Central Asia’. 223 Nanda, S., 1999, ‘Neither man nor woman: The hijras of India’. 70
times, these traditions have eroded and most hijra communities live from begging and dance performance, while some also engage in prostitution. 224 While this variety of sexual identities provides opportunities for men and boys to find communities of support in a society that might stigmatize them, it also provides opportunities for boys to be unwillingly abused. Peer pressure, coupled with discrimination in the family and school, may push a boy into social groups, including zenana or hijra communities, in which he is sexually abused and perhaps exploited. In the case of induction into hijra communities, boys may permanently separate from their families and may have themselves castrated due to peer pressure rather than to their own desire to assert an alternative sexual identity. 5.1.4 Sexual exploitation in pornography Little documented evidence can be found of the distribution of pornography or the abuse and exploitation of children in making pornography in India. At the same time, pornographic literature, photographs and videos are readily available throughout the country, from cities to rural towns. Internet cafés and chat rooms are ubiquitous in every city. In many Internet cafés, computer terminals are in small cabins, where adults and children can download and view pornographic materials in privacy. In interviews with traffickers as part of a study of trafficking of women and girls, 6 per cent of respondents stated that they had trafficked women and children for the production of pornographic material, not only within India but also to the Gulf states, Republic of Korea, the Philippines and the United Kingdom. Teenagers were preferred in trafficking for exploitation through pornography. 225 Pornographic production by foreign sex abusers using Indian children has also been noted in Mumbai and Goa. 226 5.1.5 Other forms of sexual exploitation 5.1.5.1 Prostitution As elsewhere in South Asia, there are no reliable estimates of the number of children being sexually exploited through prostitution. Numbers are difficult to verify because of the hidden nature of the activity and because prostitution may not be clearly recognized as sexual exploitation. The line between non-commercial sexual abuse and sexual exploitation is not always clear, particularly for boys. Many boys living on the street or engaging in child labour are routinely sexually abused, and such abuse might or might not be ‘repaid’ through the provision of food, shelter or money. Some boys engage in ‘survival sex’, either to meet immediate basic needs or to prevent harassment or more violent physical or sexual abuse. While the sexual abuse of boys in street situations is estimated to be high, and this abuse is 224 ECPAT International and Pakistan Paediatric Association, 2006, ‘Situational analysis report on prostitution of boys in Pakistan (Lahore and Peshawar)’. 225 National Human Rights Commission, UNIFEM and Institute of Social Sciences, 2004, ‘A report on trafficking in women and children in India 2002-2003’. 226 ECPAT International and Equations, 2003, ‘A situational analysis of child sex tourism in India (Kerala and Goa)’; National Human Rights Commission, UNIFEM and Institute of Social Sciences, 2004, ‘A report on trafficking in women and children in India 2002-2003’. 71
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times, these traditions have eroded and most hijra communities live from begging and dance<br />
performance, while some also engage in prostitution. 224<br />
While this variety of sexual identities provides opportunities for men and boys to find<br />
communities of support in a society that might stigmatize them, it also provides opportunities<br />
for boys to be unwillingly abused. Peer pressure, coupled with discrimination in the family<br />
and school, may push a boy into social groups, including zenana or hijra communities, in<br />
which he is sexually abused and perhaps exploited. In the case of induction into hijra<br />
communities, boys may permanently separate from their families and may have themselves<br />
castrated due to peer pressure rather than to their own desire to assert an alternative sexual<br />
identity.<br />
5.1.4 Sexual exploitation in pornography<br />
Little documented evidence can be found of the distribution of pornography or the abuse and<br />
exploitation of children in making pornography in India. At the same time, pornographic<br />
literature, photographs and videos are readily available throughout the country, from cities to<br />
rural towns. Internet cafés and chat rooms are ubiquitous in every city. In many Internet cafés,<br />
computer terminals are in small cabins, where adults and children can download and view<br />
pornographic materials in privacy. In interviews with traffickers as part of a study of<br />
trafficking of women and girls, 6 per cent of respondents stated that they had trafficked<br />
women and children for the production of pornographic material, not only within India but<br />
also to the Gulf states, Republic of Korea, the Philippines and the United Kingdom.<br />
Teenagers were preferred in trafficking for exploitation through pornography. 225 Pornographic<br />
production by foreign sex abusers using Indian children has also been noted in Mumbai and<br />
Goa. 226<br />
5.1.5 Other forms of sexual exploitation<br />
5.1.5.1 Prostitution<br />
As elsewhere in South Asia, there are no reliable estimates of the number of children being<br />
sexually exploited through prostitution. Numbers are difficult to verify because of the hidden<br />
nature of the activity and because prostitution may not be clearly recognized as sexual<br />
exploitation. The line between non-commercial sexual abuse and sexual exploitation is not<br />
always clear, particularly for boys. Many boys living on the street or engaging in child labour<br />
are routinely sexually abused, and such abuse might or might not be ‘repaid’ through the<br />
provision of food, shelter or money. Some boys engage in ‘survival sex’, either to meet<br />
immediate basic needs or to prevent harassment or more violent physical or sexual abuse.<br />
While the sexual abuse of boys in street situations is estimated to be high, and this abuse is<br />
224<br />
ECPAT International and Pakistan Paediatric Association, 2006, ‘Situational analysis report on prostitution<br />
of boys in Pakistan (Lahore and Peshawar)’.<br />
225<br />
National Human Rights Commission, UNIFEM and Institute of Social Sciences, 2004, ‘A report on<br />
trafficking in women and children in India 2002-2003’.<br />
226<br />
ECPAT International and Equations, 2003, ‘A situational analysis of child sex tourism in India (Kerala and<br />
Goa)’; National Human Rights Commission, UNIFEM and Institute of Social Sciences, 2004, ‘A report on<br />
trafficking in women and children in India 2002-2003’.<br />
71