SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ...

SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ... SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ...

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some organizations working with abused children focus on seeking solutions within the family unit. 152 The family’s reluctance to report abuse provides an effective screen of silence that allows abuse of children with impunity. There is a strong tendency to blame victims rather than accuse perpetrators, and the cultural preference is to cover up the problem rather than risk exposure by seeking justice. 153 Thus, the rights of abused children are subservient to the family’s perceived honour and integrity, and the child submits to the will of the family. Families feel powerless when abuse occurs, and with some justification. Stigma can be extreme, sometimes resulting in social exclusion and preventing the marriage of daughters. If the perpetrator is a person with local economic power, such as a businessman, exposure can affect the family’s already insecure income. If the perpetrator is a person of influence in the community, such as a local politician, policeman, trafficker or thug, the family may put itself at risk of physical reprisal. Traditional practices of child-raising, particularly discipline, have an impact on the sexual abuse of children. 154 Parents frequently don’t recognize, or admit, the sexual growth of their child and the child’s increasing vulnerability. Corporal punishment of children is often routine, and adult power over children is absolute. Children are seldom allowed a ‘voice’, whether in decision-making or in protesting their harm. They are afraid to report abuse, not only because they think they would not be believed or because they feel ashamed, but because they would be physically punished. This often results in a double coercion of the child victim – coercion into silence by the abuser as well as coercion into silence by the family. 155 Even if families were willing to risk exposure, many feel that they could not get proper redress through the justice system. In a 1996 survey of corruption, 96 per cent of respondents said they could not get help from police without money or influence, and 89 per cent said that quick and just settlement from the courts was impossible without bribes or influence. 156 Although research to date is inconclusive, the long-term social impact of abuse on boys may differ considerably from that of girls. Boys are less likely than girls to be labelled as ‘spoiled’ (noshto), and the abuse of boys is less likely to restrict the future marriage of female siblings. 157 While girls marry early, and sexual abuse can destroy their opportunities for good marriage, boys generally marry in their mid to late 20s, long after the abuse has occurred. Research indicates that abused boys in rural areas suffer less from social stigma than boys in urban areas. 158 152 For example, the counselling unit at Dhaka Shishu Hospital, Dhaka. 153 Heissler, K., op.cit. 154 Breaking the Silence Group, 1997, ‘Non-commercial sexual abuse of children in Bangladesh: A case study based report’. 155 Subbian, R., 2004, ‘Assessment on the psychosocial support to sexually abused children in the partner programmes of Save the Children Sweden-Denmark, Bangladesh’. 156 The World Bank, 2000, ‘Corruption in Bangladesh: Costs and cures’. 157 Breaking the Silence Group, op.cit. 158 Ibid. 48

As elsewhere in the world, certain groups of children are particularly vulnerable. These include children with disabilities, those confined to institutions 159 and those displaced by disaster. 160 In 2001, a study conducted by Save the Children Australia on children growing up in two brothel communities on the outskirts of Dhaka showed a high level of sexual abuse and exploitation of boys as well as girls by clients, police and local gang members. 161 Among the most vulnerable and largest groups of boys subjected to sexual abuse are those in the workplace and living on the street. Among 43 boys in domestic service, 20 per cent noted sexual abuse, according to a study in Dhaka. 162 Boys in the bidi (cigarette) industry, who are generally aged 13 to 14, have reported abuse from employers and fellow workers. 163 In interviews with 88 boys engaged in prostitution about their previous work situations, which included tea shops, hotels and transportation services, 43 per cent said they left because of sexual abuse. 164 The sexual abuse of children living on the street is well documented in Bangladesh. In a 2006 study of 200 children living on the street, 79 per cent said they had experienced sexual abuse while on the street. 165 Sexual abuse can be perpetrated by a variety of abusers. Children living on the street must often provide sexual favours to police and officials at train and bus stations to prevent harassment or physical abuse or to be allowed a place to sleep. They may have sexual relations with peers in exchange for food, protection or companionship. They are often subject to gang rape. Many children on the street join gangs for protection, friendship and social inclusion, as well as financial support. Gang leaders may assign boys for mugging, selling drugs and alcohol, or organized begging. 166 During conflicts between gangs, rape of the younger boys is often one of the ‘prizes’ of the victorious gang. 167 Notably, research in Bangladesh has clarified the linkages between the sexual abuse of boys in the home and community and their subsequent abuse in the workplace and on the street. Researchers have found direct links between abuse in the home and community with separation of boys from their families and their movement into situations in which they are even more vulnerable to sexual abuse. A number of factors push boys out of their families and into the street. It is usually assumed that poverty, or quest for income, is a primary push factor, in both rural areas and urban slums. For urban children, going to the street is often precipitated by the family’s loss of its 159 Heissler, K., 2001, ‘Background paper on good practices and priorities to combat sexual abuse and exploitation of children in Bangladesh’. 160 ECPAT International, Plan International, 2004, ‘Report on laws and legal procedures concerning the commercial sexual exploitation of children in Bangladesh’. 161 Uddin, M.F., Sultana, M., and Mahmud, S., 2001, ‘Growing up in the Daulotdia and Kandapura brothel communities of Bangladesh’. 162 Shoishab Bangladesh, 1997, ‘A quantitative study of child domestic workers in Dhaka Metropolitan City’. 163 UNICEF (Blanchet, T.), 2000, ‘Child work in the bidi industry’. 164 ECPAT International and INCIDIN Bangladesh, 2006, ‘The boys and the bullies: A situational analysis report on prostitution of boys in Bangladesh’. 165 Groupe Developpement, 2006, ‘Survival strategies: A study of children living on streets and railway platforms of West Bengal and Bangladesh’. 166 Ibid. 167 INCIDIN Bangladesh, 2008, personal communication. 49

As elsewhere in the world, certain groups of children are particularly vulnerable. These<br />

include children with disabilities, those confined to institutions 159 and those displaced by<br />

disaster. 160 In 2001, a study conducted by Save the Children Australia on children growing up<br />

in two brothel communities on the outskirts of Dhaka showed a high level of sexual abuse<br />

and exploitation of boys as well as girls by clients, police and local gang members. 161<br />

Among the most vulnerable and largest groups of boys subjected to sexual abuse are those in<br />

the workplace and living on the street. Among 43 boys in domestic service, 20 per cent noted<br />

sexual abuse, according to a study in Dhaka. 162 Boys in the bidi (cigarette) industry, who are<br />

generally aged 13 to 14, have reported abuse from employers and fellow workers. 163 In<br />

interviews with 88 boys engaged in prostitution about their previous work situations, which<br />

included tea shops, hotels and transportation services, 43 per cent said they left because of<br />

sexual abuse. 164<br />

The sexual abuse of children living on the street is well documented in Bangladesh. In a 2006<br />

study of 200 children living on the street, 79 per cent said they had experienced sexual abuse<br />

while on the street. 165 Sexual abuse can be perpetrated by a variety of abusers. Children living<br />

on the street must often provide sexual favours to police and officials at train and bus stations<br />

to prevent harassment or physical abuse or to be allowed a place to sleep. They may have<br />

sexual relations with peers in exchange for food, protection or companionship. They are often<br />

subject to gang rape. Many children on the street join gangs for protection, friendship and<br />

social inclusion, as well as financial support. Gang leaders may assign boys for mugging,<br />

selling drugs and alcohol, or organized begging. 166 During conflicts between gangs, rape of<br />

the younger boys is often one of the ‘prizes’ of the victorious gang. 167<br />

Notably, research in Bangladesh has clarified the linkages between the sexual abuse of boys<br />

in the home and community and their subsequent abuse in the workplace and on the street.<br />

Researchers have found direct links between abuse in the home and community with<br />

separation of boys from their families and their movement into situations in which they are<br />

even more vulnerable to sexual abuse.<br />

A number of factors push boys out of their families and into the street. It is usually assumed<br />

that poverty, or quest for income, is a primary push factor, in both rural areas and urban<br />

slums. For urban children, going to the street is often precipitated by the family’s loss of its<br />

159 Heissler, K., 2001, ‘Background paper on good practices and priorities to combat sexual abuse and<br />

exploitation of children in Bangladesh’.<br />

160 ECPAT International, Plan International, 2004, ‘Report on laws and legal procedures concerning the<br />

commercial sexual exploitation of children in Bangladesh’.<br />

161 Uddin, M.F., Sultana, M., and Mahmud, S., 2001, ‘Growing up in the Daulotdia and Kandapura brothel<br />

communities of Bangladesh’.<br />

162 Shoishab Bangladesh, 1997, ‘A quantitative study of child domestic workers in Dhaka Metropolitan City’.<br />

163 UNICEF (Blanchet, T.), 2000, ‘Child work in the bidi industry’.<br />

164 ECPAT International and <strong>IN</strong>CID<strong>IN</strong> Bangladesh, 2006, ‘The boys and the bullies: A situational analysis<br />

report on prostitution of boys in Bangladesh’.<br />

165 Groupe Developpement, 2006, ‘Survival strategies: A study of children living on streets and railway<br />

platforms of West Bengal and Bangladesh’.<br />

166 Ibid.<br />

167 <strong>IN</strong>CID<strong>IN</strong> Bangladesh, 2008, personal communication.<br />

49

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