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SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ...

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Afghanistan’s National Plan of Action against Child Trafficking (2004) includes activities<br />

on protection, prevention, recovery, reintegration and child participation. But it addresses<br />

trafficking from a law enforcement perspective and does not envision the development of a<br />

national, integrated, community-based child protection system that would tackle the<br />

immediate causes of trafficking, which also relate to sexual abuse and exploitation. On the<br />

other hand, the country’s National Strategy for Children at Risk, while not directly addressing<br />

child abuse, encompasses a broader scope of child protection than does the trafficking NPA.<br />

It addresses family violence, erosion of family safety nets and lack of government and NGO<br />

coordination in addressing children at risk. It also sketches a plan for a national child<br />

protection system over its four-year span.<br />

Bangladesh’s National Plan of Action against the Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Children<br />

(2002) is notable in South Asia for directly addressing sexual abuse as well as sexual<br />

exploitation. The NPA includes measures that address issues facing boys, such as the risks of<br />

migration, abuse by staff of residential institutions and creation of abuse reporting<br />

mechanisms and safe havens for at-risk children. The NPA was supplemented by the more<br />

recent National Anti-Trafficking Strategic Plan of Action. It attempts to clarify the roles of<br />

government agencies and NGOs and coordinate actions for prevention, rescue, repatriation,<br />

prosecution and reintegration of trafficking victims. However, challenges remain; the<br />

documents do not fully integrate the role of NGOs, and they establish a complex bureaucracy<br />

that can hamper efficient implementation of programmes.<br />

India’s Report and Plan of Action to Combat Trafficking and Commercial Sexual<br />

Exploitation of Women and Children (1998) addresses the needs of women and girls in the<br />

trafficking process. But it does not address the broader scope of sexual exploitation or the<br />

links between sexual abuse in homes, community and schools and vulnerability to sexual<br />

exploitation. While the plan mentions migration, it refers only to ‘migrant women’. The<br />

Integrated Plan of Action to Prevent and Combat Human Trafficking, with Special Focus on<br />

Children and Women, not yet formally approved, similarly conflates ‘trafficking for sexual<br />

exploitation’ with ‘sexual exploitation’ as such. Thus it does not address key issues relevant<br />

to the sexual exploitation of boys, including separation from family, and the linkages between<br />

sexual exploitation and abuse in the family, community and workplace.<br />

The country’s National Plan of Action for Children, however, is a more inclusive document,<br />

intending to protect ‘all children against neglect, maltreatment, injury, trafficking, sexual and<br />

physical abuse of all kinds, pornography, corporal punishment, torture, exploitation, violence,<br />

and degrading treatment.’ This NPA places specific focus on child sexual abuse, separating it<br />

from child trafficking, and addresses sexual abuse within the home by family members as<br />

well as the abuse of children in institutions.<br />

Nepal’s National Plan of Action against Trafficking of Women and Children for Commercial<br />

Sexual Exploitation (2001) is similar to the trafficking NPAs of most other countries in the<br />

region, although it is the least carefully developed. The document does not clearly indicate a<br />

strategy, fails to clarify mechanisms for its implementation and does not integrate the<br />

activities of NGOs or community-based organizations. Instead it relies on government<br />

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