SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF BOYS IN SOUTH ASIA A ...

considered that when parental supervision is lacking, especially by mothers, opportunities
arise for males in the family and community to sexually abuse both boys and girls. In a 2002
study, many adult informants, including probation officers and child welfare officers,
indicated that mothers’ migration for labour was contributing to child sexual abuse in the
home and community and the subsequent entry of children into sexual exploitation through
prostitution. 415 A number of Sri Lankan researchers who have examined the link between
sexual abuse and sexual exploitation have strongly suggested a direct causality. 416
The armed conflict has disrupted and displaced families, forcing them to live in poverty with
lack of services. Over 250,000 children were displaced just between 1999 and 2002. 417 As a
consequence, both boys and girls have been subject to rape, kidnapping and sexual abuse by
soldiers from both sides of the conflict. The impact has been primarily on girls, and extensive
sexual exploitation of girls through prostitution has developed in border villages in the north
and east of the country. 418 While few boys have been drawn into prostitution in those areas,
some have fled broken families or abduction by the LTTE to coastal areas out of the war
zone, where they conduct prostitution for the tourist industry.
Research has identified family dysfunction (along with family fragmentation) as a
contributing cause of both sexual abuse and children’s entry into sexual exploitation through
prostitution. 419 In studies, numerous respondents from all spheres state that ‘parents don’t
take good care of their children,’ 420 citing domestic violence, physical abuse and alcoholism
as primary problems. It is frequently said that families don’t care about the abuse of their
children and that they don’t feel it is bad for their boys to ‘go with’ foreigners. On the
contrary, many families are seen to encourage their boys to do so, expecting that both they
and their children will benefit. Although not abjectly poor, many families recognize the
relative wealth of the travelling sex offenders as an opportunity. They believe that their sons’
sexual exploitation is a legitimate way to earn money. 421
Research also has indicated that communities do not support the prevention of child abuse
and child exploitation through prostitution. Although aware of sexual abuse and exploitation
as a problem, communities are apathetic and lack vigilance. 422 Communities generally do not
repudiate boys for having consensual sex with foreigners, although they do criticize them for
having sex with local men, using derogatory terms such as kotiya or kolukaraya. Girls,
415
International Labour Organization (Amarasinghe, S.), 2002, ‘Sri Lanka: The commercial sexual exploitation
of children: A rapid assessment’.
416
Weeramunda, A.J., 1994, op.cit. and de Silva, H., 2000, op. cit.; International Labour Organization (S.
Amarasinghe), 2002, ‘Sri Lanka: The commercial sexual exploitation of children: A rapid assessment; and Terre
des hommes (Lausanne), 2006, ‘Sri Lanka research report: Child trafficking and links with child sex tourism and
the commercial sexual exploitation of children (draft).
417
International Labour Organization (Amarasinghe, S.) op. cit.
418
Zulfi, A., 2007, ‘Issues of child trafficking in Eastern Sri Lanka: A case study of Batticaloa District’.
419
Goonesekara, S. and Wanasundare, L., 1998, ‘Commercial sexual exploitation of children in Sri Lanka’.
420
Weeramunda, A.J., 1994, ‘Child Prostitution or Poverty’ Economic Review, May-June 1994.
421
Terre des hommes (Lausanne), 2006, ‘Sri Lanka research report: Child trafficking and links with child sex
tourism and the commercial sexual exploitation of children’ (draft).
422
ECPAT International and South Asia Partnership International, 2003, ‘A situational analysis of child sex
tourism in Sri Lanka’.
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