RESEARCH METHOD COHEN ok

RESEARCH METHOD COHEN ok RESEARCH METHOD COHEN ok

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INTERPRETATION IN QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS: MULTILAYERED TEXTS 497 58 T Yes. It was an airship. Yes. Actually Ithinkwesawitatschooloneday last summer, didn’t we. 59 CC Yes. 60 T We all went outside and had a look at it. It was going through the sky. 61 CC () // 62 Luke Mrs Cummings// 63 C () 64 T Uuhm – Ben 65 Ben I remember that time when it came () over the school. 66 T Did you. Y-// 67 Ben //() the same one came over my house when I went home. 68 T Yes. Paul. 69 Paul I went to a airship where they did// 70 Luke //It flew over my house () // 71 T //Just a moment Paul because Luke is now interrupting. We listened to him very carefully. Now it’s his turn to listen to us. 72 Paul I went to see a airship where they take off and when I – when I got there I saw () going around. 73 T Oh ...What keeps an airship up in the air 74 CC Air//air//gas// 75 Luke Mrs Cummings. 76 T Air or gas. Yes. If it’s air, it’s got to be hot air to keep it up – or gas. Now put your hands down for a minute and we’ll have a look at the rest of the book. ((Reading)) Help said Pig. There he is saying help. ((There is a cartoon-like ‘bubble’ from his mouth with ‘help’ written in)) Help said – 77 CC Monkey 78 T Help said donkey. It’s gone wonky. 79 CC h-h-h ((untranscribable talk from several children)) 80 T Look as though it had gone wonky once before. What makes me say that 81 C Because – because there’s – something on the balloon. 82 T Mmm. There’s already a patch on it isn’t there to cover a hole ((reading)) A bear, a cow, a pig, a dog, a donkey and a monkey all – in – a – and this is the word you got wrong before – all in a – 83 C Bog 84 T Bog – Who said it said dog at the end and it shouldn’t 85 James Me. 86 T James! James, what does it start with 87 James ‘b’ for ‘bog. 88 T ‘b’. It only goes to show how important it is to get them the right way round// 89 C //Toilet// 90 T No. I don’t think it means toilet. 91 CC ((Laughter)) 92 T I don’t think they’re in a toilet. 93 CC ((Laughter)) 94 T What’s a bog when it isn’t a toilet 95 Gavin My brother call it the bog. 96 T Yes. Lots of people do – call a toilet abogbutIdon’tthinkthat’swhat this means. 97 Paul (fall in) something when – when it sticks to you. 98 T Yes, you’re quite right Paul. It’s somewhere that’s very sticky. If you fall in its very sticky// 99 C () 100 T It’s not glue 101 C It’s called a swamp. 102 T Swamp is another word for it, good boy – but it’s not glue, it’s usually mud or somewhere. It’s usually somewhere – somewhere in the countryside that’s very wet. ((Many children talking)) 103 C Mrs Cummings what () 104 T Just a moment you are forgetting to listen. You are remembering to think and to talk but you’re forgetting to listen and take your turn. Now Olga. 105 Olga Once my daddy – Chapter 23

498 CONTENT ANALYSIS AND GROUNDED THEORY Let us explore the levels of analysis here. If we ask ‘What is being learned here by the children’ there are several kinds of response. At a formal level, first, there is a curricular response: the children are learning a little bit of language (reading, speaking, listening, vocabulary, spelling, letter orientation (e.g. ‘bog’ and ‘dog’), science (condensation, hot and cold, hot air rising, hot air and gas-filled balloons) and soil (a muddy swamp). That concerns the academic curriculum, as it were. However, at a second level the children are learning other aspects of development, not just academic but personal, social, emotional and interpersonal, for example turn-taking, cooperation, shared enjoyment, listening to each other, contributing to a collective activity, taking risks with language (the risqué joke about the word ‘bog’ with its double-entendre of a swamp and an impolite term for a toilet). At a third level one can notice language rights in the classroom. Here the text usefully provides numbered lines to assist analysis and to preserve the chronology of events. One can observe the following, using a closer textual analysis: A great deal of the conversation follows the sequence of teacher→student→teacher→ student and so on (e.g. lines 28–48). It is rare for the sequence to be broken, for instance teacher→student→student (e.g. lines 3–7 and 14–16). Where the sequence is broken, it is at the teacher’s behest, and with individual children only (lines 48–52, 64–9, 84–8, 94–8). Where the conventional sequence is broken without the teacher’s blessing the teacher intervenes to restore the sequence or to control the proceedings (lines 54–6, 70–1, 103–4). It appears that many of the 27 children are not joining in very much – the teacher only talks directly to, or encourages to talk, a few named children individually: Vicky, Luke, Ben, Paul, James and Olga. There are almost no instances of children initiating conversations (e.g. lines 43, 65, 101); most of the conversations are in response to the teacher’s initiation (e.g. lines 3, 11, 20, 25, 28, 32, 34, 36 etc.). The teacher follows up on a child’s initiation only when it suits her purposes (lines 43–6). Nearly everything goes through, or comes from the teacher who mediates everything. Where a child says something that the teacher likes or is in the teacher’s agenda for the lesson then that child is praised (e.g. lines 34, 42, 54, 58, 76 and 96, 98 (the word ‘yes’), 102) and the teacher repeats the child’s correct answer (e.g. lines 16–17, 20–1, 29–30, 35–6, 41–2). The teacher feeds the children with clues as to the expected answer (lines 10–11, 40–1, 76–7, 82–3). Where the conversation risks being out of the teacher’s control the teacher becomes much more explicit in the classroom rules (e.g. lines 56, 71, 104). When the teacher decides that it is time to move on to get through her agenda she closes off further discussion and moves on (line 76). The teacher is prepared to share a joke (lines 90–93) to maintain a good relationship but then moves the conversation on (line 94). Most of the conversation, in speech act terms, is perlocutionary (achieving the teacher’s intended aim of the lesson) rather than illocutionary (an open-ended and free-range, multidirectional discussion where the outcome is unpredictable). The teacher talks a lot more than the children. At a fourth level, one can begin to theorize from the materials here. It could be argued, for example, that the text discloses the overt and covert operations of power, to suggest, in fact, that what the children are learning very effectively is the hidden curriculum in which power is a major feature, for instance: The teacher has the power to decide who will talk, when they will talk, what they will talk about and how well they have talked (cf. Edwards 1980). The teacher has the power to control a mass of children (27 children sitting on the floor while

498 CONTENT ANALYSIS AND GROUNDED THEORY<br />

Let us explore the levels of analysis here. If<br />

we ask ‘What is being learned here by the<br />

children’ there are several kinds of response.<br />

At a formal level, first, there is a curricular<br />

response: the children are learning a little<br />

bit of language (reading, speaking, listening,<br />

vocabulary, spelling, letter orientation (e.g. ‘bog’<br />

and ‘dog’), science (condensation, hot and cold,<br />

hot air rising, hot air and gas-filled balloons)<br />

and soil (a muddy swamp). That concerns the<br />

academic curriculum, as it were. However, at<br />

a second level the children are learning other<br />

aspects of development, not just academic but<br />

personal, social, emotional and interpersonal,<br />

for example turn-taking, cooperation, shared<br />

enjoyment, listening to each other, contributing<br />

to a collective activity, taking risks with language<br />

(the risqué j<strong>ok</strong>e about the word ‘bog’ with its<br />

double-entendre of a swamp and an impolite term<br />

for a toilet).<br />

At a third level one can notice language rights<br />

in the classroom. Here the text usefully provides<br />

numbered lines to assist analysis and to preserve<br />

the chronology of events. One can observe the<br />

following, using a closer textual analysis:<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

A great deal of the conversation follows<br />

the sequence of teacher→student→teacher→<br />

student and so on (e.g. lines 28–48).<br />

It is rare for the sequence to be br<strong>ok</strong>en, for<br />

instance teacher→student→student (e.g. lines<br />

3–7 and 14–16).<br />

Where the sequence is br<strong>ok</strong>en, it is at the<br />

teacher’s behest, and with individual children<br />

only (lines 48–52, 64–9, 84–8, 94–8).<br />

Where the conventional sequence is br<strong>ok</strong>en<br />

without the teacher’s blessing the teacher<br />

intervenes to restore the sequence or to control<br />

the proceedings (lines 54–6, 70–1, 103–4).<br />

It appears that many of the 27 children are not<br />

joining in very much – the teacher only talks<br />

directly to, or encourages to talk, a few named<br />

children individually: Vicky, Luke, Ben, Paul,<br />

James and Olga.<br />

There are almost no instances of children<br />

initiating conversations (e.g. lines 43, 65, 101);<br />

most of the conversations are in response to the<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

teacher’s initiation (e.g. lines 3, 11, 20, 25, 28,<br />

32, 34, 36 etc.).<br />

The teacher follows up on a child’s initiation<br />

only when it suits her purposes (lines 43–6).<br />

Nearly everything goes through, or comes from<br />

the teacher who mediates everything.<br />

Where a child says something that the teacher<br />

likes or is in the teacher’s agenda for the lesson<br />

then that child is praised (e.g. lines 34, 42, 54,<br />

58, 76 and 96, 98 (the word ‘yes’), 102) and<br />

the teacher repeats the child’s correct answer<br />

(e.g. lines 16–17, 20–1, 29–30, 35–6, 41–2).<br />

The teacher feeds the children with clues as<br />

to the expected answer (lines 10–11, 40–1,<br />

76–7, 82–3).<br />

Where the conversation risks being out of the<br />

teacher’s control the teacher becomes much<br />

more explicit in the classroom rules (e.g. lines<br />

56, 71, 104).<br />

When the teacher decides that it is time to<br />

move on to get through her agenda she closes<br />

off further discussion and moves on (line 76).<br />

The teacher is prepared to share a j<strong>ok</strong>e (lines<br />

90–93) to maintain a good relationship but<br />

then moves the conversation on (line 94).<br />

Most of the conversation, in speech act terms,<br />

is perlocutionary (achieving the teacher’s<br />

intended aim of the lesson) rather than<br />

illocutionary (an open-ended and free-range,<br />

multidirectional discussion where the outcome<br />

is unpredictable).<br />

The teacher talks a lot more than the children.<br />

At a fourth level, one can begin to theorize<br />

from the materials here. It could be argued, for<br />

example, that the text discloses the overt and<br />

covert operations of power, to suggest, in fact, that<br />

what the children are learning very effectively is<br />

the hidden curriculum in which power is a major<br />

feature, for instance:<br />

<br />

<br />

The teacher has the power to decide who<br />

will talk, when they will talk, what they will<br />

talk about and how well they have talked<br />

(cf. Edwards 1980).<br />

The teacher has the power to control a mass of<br />

children (27 children sitting on the floor while

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