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28 THE NATURE OF INQUIRY<br />

of meaning in a social context (Held 1980). Gadamer<br />

(1975: 273) argues that the hermeneutic sciences<br />

(e.g. qualitative approaches) involve the fusion<br />

of horizons between participants. Meanings rather<br />

than phenomena take on significance here.<br />

The emancipatory interest subsumes the previous<br />

two paradigms; it requires them but goes<br />

beyond them (Habermas 1972: 211). It is concerned<br />

with praxis –action that is informed by<br />

reflection with the aim to emancipate (Kincheloe<br />

1991: 177). The twin intentions of this interest are<br />

to expose the operation of power and to bring about<br />

social justice as domination and repression act to<br />

prevent the full existential realization of individual<br />

and social freedoms (Habermas 1979: 14). The task<br />

of this knowledge-constitutive interest, indeed of<br />

critical theory itself, is to restore to consciousness<br />

those suppressed, repressed and submerged determinants<br />

of unfree behaviour with a view to their<br />

dissolution (Habermas 1984: 194–5).<br />

What we have in effect, then, in Habermas’s<br />

early work is an attempt to conceptualize three<br />

research styles: the scientific, positivist style; the<br />

interpretive style; and the emancipatory, ideology<br />

critical style. Not only does critical theory<br />

have its own research agenda, but also it has its<br />

own research methodologies, in particular ideology<br />

critique and action research. With regard to<br />

ideology critique, a particular reading of ideology<br />

is being adopted here, as the suppression of generalizable<br />

interests (Habermas 1976: 113), where systems,<br />

groups and individuals operate in rationally indefensible<br />

ways because their power to act relies on<br />

the disempowering of other groups, i.e. that their<br />

principles of behaviour cannot be generalized.<br />

Ideology – the values and practices emanating<br />

from particular dominant groups – is the<br />

means by which powerful groups promote and<br />

legitimize their particular – sectoral – interests at<br />

the expense of disempowered groups. Ideology<br />

critique exposes the operation of ideology in<br />

many spheres of education, the working out of<br />

vested interests under the mantle of the general<br />

good. The task of ideology critique is to<br />

uncover the vested interests at work which may<br />

be occurring consciously or subliminally, revealing<br />

to participants how they may be acting to<br />

perpetuate a system which keeps them either<br />

empowered or disempowered (Geuss 1981), i.e.<br />

which suppresses a generalizable interest. Explanations<br />

for situations might be other than those<br />

‘natural’, taken for granted, explanations that<br />

the participants might offer or accept. Situations<br />

are not natural but problematic (Carr and Kemmis<br />

1986). They are the outcomes or processes<br />

wherein interests and powers are protected and<br />

suppressed, and one task of ideology critique is<br />

to expose this (Grundy 1987). The interests at<br />

work are uncovered by ideology critique, which,<br />

itself, is premised on reflective practice (Morrison<br />

1995a; 1995b; 1996a). Habermas (1972: 230)<br />

suggests that ideology critique through reflective<br />

practice can be addressed in four stages:<br />

<br />

<br />

Stage 1: a description and interpretation of<br />

the existing situation – a hermeneutic exercise<br />

that identifies and attempts to make sense of<br />

the current situation (echoing the verstehen<br />

approaches of the interpretive paradigm) (see<br />

http://www.routledge.com/textbo<strong>ok</strong>s/<br />

9780415368780 – Chapter 1, file 1.6. ppt).<br />

Stage 2: a penetration of the reasons that<br />

brought the existing situation to the form<br />

that it takes – the causes and purposes of<br />

a situation and an evaluation of their<br />

legitimacy, involving an analysis of interests<br />

and ideologies at work in a situation, their<br />

power and legitimacy (both in micro- and<br />

macro-sociological terms). Habermas’s (1972)<br />

early work likens this to psychoanalysis as<br />

ameansforbringingintotheconsciousness<br />

of ‘patients’ those repressed, distorted and<br />

oppressive conditions, experiences and factors<br />

that have prevented them from a full, complete<br />

and accurate understanding of their conditions,<br />

situations and behaviour, and that, on such<br />

exposure and examination, will be liberatory<br />

and emancipatory. Critique here reveals to<br />

individuals and groups how their views and<br />

practices might be ideological distortions that,<br />

in their effects, perpetuate a social order or<br />

situation that works against their democratic<br />

freedoms, interests and empowerment (see<br />

also Carr and Kemmis 1986: 138–9).

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