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STRUCTURED OBSERVATION 403 or event categories described above, i.e. it is continuous behaviour rather than a single event. For example, a child may remove her shoes only once, but she may continue to be without her shoes for a twenty-minute period; a child may delay starting to do any writing for ten minutes, again a single behaviour but which continues for longer than each of the intervals in interval or instantaneous recording; a child may have a single tantrum which continues for twenty minutes, and so on. What we need is an indication of the duration of a particular behaviour. The observation is driven by the event, not the frequency of the observation. This means that the observer needs to structure the recording schedule to indicate the total duration of a single continuous behaviour. For all the kinds of schedules discussed above, a decision will have to have been agreed in advance on how to enter data. Consistency of entering by a single and multiple observers will need to be found on what counts as evidence, when, where and how to observe, and how many people on whom to focus. For example, how will the observation schedule distinguish between one person being observed demonstrating the same behaviour twelve times (1 person × 12) and many people demonstrating the same behaviour fewer times (e.g. 2 people × 6times each, or 4 people × 3times each), i.e. is the focus to be on people or on behaviour While structured observation can provide useful numerical data (e.g. Galton and Simon 1980; Bennett et al. 1984), there are several concerns which must be addressed in this form of observation, for example: The method is behaviourist, excluding any mention of the intentions or motivations of the people being observed. The individual’s subjectivity is lost to an aggregated score. There is an assumption that the observed behaviour provides evidence of underlying feelings, i.e. that concepts or constructs can be crudely measured in observed occurrences. This last point is important, for it goes to the very heart of the notion of validity, since it requires researchers to satisfy themselves that it is valid to infer that a particular behaviour indicates a particular state of mind or particular intention or motivation. The desire to operationalize concepts and constructs can easily lead researchers to provide simple indicators of complex concepts. Further, structured observation neglects the significance of contexts – temporal and spatial – thereby overlooking the fact that behaviours may be context specific. In their concern for the overt and the observable, researchers may overlook unintended outcomes which may have significance; they may be unable to show how significant are the behaviours of the participants being observed in their own terms. If we accept that behaviour is developmental, that interactions evolve over time and, therefore, are, by definition, fluid, then the three methods of structured observation outlined above appear to take a series of ‘freeze-frame’ snapshots of behaviour, thereby violating the principle of fluidity of action. Captured for an instant in time, it is difficult to infer a particular meaning to one or more events (Stubbs and Delamont 1976), just as it is impossible to say with any certainty what is taking place when we study a single photograph or a set of photographs of a particular event. Put simply, if structured observation is to hold water, then the researcher may need to gather additional data from other sources to inform the interpretation of observational data. This latter point is a matter not only for structured observation but, equally, for unstructured observation, for what is being suggested here is the notion that triangulation (of methods, of observers, of time and space) can assist the researcher to generate reliable evidence. There is a risk that observations will be selective, and the effects of this can be attenuated by triangulation. One way of gathering more reliable data (for example about aparticularstudentorgroupofstudents)isby tracking them through the course of a day or a week, following them from place to place, event to event. It is part of teaching folklore that students will behave very differently for one teacher than for another, and a full picture of students’ behaviour might require the observer to see the students in different contexts. Chapter 18

404 OBSERVATION Critical incidents There will be times when reliability as consistency in observations is not always necessary. For example, a student might demonstrate a particular behaviour only once, but it is so important as not to be ruled out simply because it occurred once. One has to commit only a single murder to be branded a murderer! Sometimes one event can occur which reveals an extremely important insight into a person or situation. Critical incidents (Flanagan 1949) and critical events (Wragg 1994) are particular events or occurrences that might typify or illuminate very starkly a particular feature of a teacher’s behaviour or teaching style for example. Wragg (1994: 64) writes that these are events that appear to the observer to have more interest than other ones, and therefore warrant greater detail and recording than other events; they have an important insight to offer. For example, a child might unexpectedly behave very aggressively when asked to work with another child – that might reveal an insight into the child’s social tolerance; a teacher might suddenly overreact when a student produces a substandard piece of work – the straw that breaks the camel’s back – that might indicate a level of frustration tolerance or intolerance and the effects of that threshold of tolerance being reached. These events are critical in that they may be non-routine but very revealing; they offer the researcher an insight that would not be available by routine observation. They are frequently unusual events. 2 Naturalistic and participant observation There are degrees of participation in observation (LeCompte and Preissle 1993: 93–4). The ‘complete participant’ is a researcher who takes on an insider role in the group being studied, and maybe who does not even declare that he or she is a researcher (discussed later in comments about the ethics of covert research). The ‘participant-asobserver’, as its name suggests, is part of the social life of participants and documents and records what is happening for research purposes. The ‘observer-as-participant’, like the participant-asobserver, is known as a researcher to the group, and maybe has less extensive contact with the group. With the ‘complete observer’ participants do not realize that they are being observed (e.g. using a one-way mirror), hence this is another form of covert research. Hammersley and Atkinson (1983: 93–5) suggest that comparative involvement may come in the forms of the complete participant and the participant-asobserver, with a degree of subjectivity and sympathy, while comparative detachment may come in the forms of the observer-as-participant and the complete observer, where objectivity and distance are key characteristics. Both complete participation and complete detachment are as limiting as each other. As a complete participant the researcher dare not go outside the confines of the group for fear of revealing his or her identity (in covert research), and as a complete observer there is no contact with the observed, so inference is dangerous. That said, both complete participation and complete detachment minimize reactivity, though in the former there is the risk of ‘going native’ – where the researcher adopts the values, norms and behaviours of the group, i.e. ceases to be aresearcherandbecomesamemberofthegroup. Participant observation may be particularly useful in studying small groups, or for events and processes that last only a short time or are frequent, for activities that lend themselves to being observed, for researchers who wish to reach inside a situation and have a long time available to them to ‘get under the skin’ of behaviour or organizations (as in an ethnography), and when the prime interest is in gathering detailed information about what is happening (i.e. is descriptive). In participant observational studies the researcher stays with the participants for a substantial period of time to reduce reactivity effects (the effects of the researcher on the researched, changing the behaviour of the latter), recording what is happening, while taking a role in that situation. In schools this might be taking on some particular activities, sharing supervisions, participating in school life, recording impressions, conversations,

404 OBSERVATION<br />

Critical incidents<br />

There will be times when reliability as consistency<br />

in observations is not always necessary. For<br />

example, a student might demonstrate a particular<br />

behaviour only once, but it is so important as<br />

not to be ruled out simply because it occurred<br />

once. One has to commit only a single murder<br />

to be branded a murderer! Sometimes one<br />

event can occur which reveals an extremely<br />

important insight into a person or situation.<br />

Critical incidents (Flanagan 1949) and critical<br />

events (Wragg 1994) are particular events or<br />

occurrences that might typify or illuminate very<br />

starkly a particular feature of a teacher’s behaviour<br />

or teaching style for example. Wragg (1994: 64)<br />

writes that these are events that appear to the<br />

observer to have more interest than other ones,<br />

and therefore warrant greater detail and recording<br />

than other events; they have an important insight<br />

to offer. For example, a child might unexpectedly<br />

behave very aggressively when asked to work<br />

with another child – that might reveal an insight<br />

into the child’s social tolerance; a teacher might<br />

suddenly overreact when a student produces a<br />

substandard piece of work – the straw that breaks<br />

the camel’s back – that might indicate a level of<br />

frustration tolerance or intolerance and the effects<br />

of that threshold of tolerance being reached.<br />

These events are critical in that they may be<br />

non-routine but very revealing; they offer the<br />

researcher an insight that would not be available by<br />

routine observation. They are frequently unusual<br />

events. 2<br />

Naturalistic and participant observation<br />

There are degrees of participation in observation<br />

(LeCompte and Preissle 1993: 93–4). The<br />

‘complete participant’ is a researcher who takes<br />

on an insider role in the group being studied, and<br />

maybe who does not even declare that he or she<br />

is a researcher (discussed later in comments about<br />

the ethics of covert research). The ‘participant-asobserver’,<br />

as its name suggests, is part of the social<br />

life of participants and documents and records<br />

what is happening for research purposes. The<br />

‘observer-as-participant’, like the participant-asobserver,<br />

is known as a researcher to the group,<br />

and maybe has less extensive contact with the<br />

group. With the ‘complete observer’ participants<br />

do not realize that they are being observed<br />

(e.g. using a one-way mirror), hence this is<br />

another form of covert research. Hammersley and<br />

Atkinson (1983: 93–5) suggest that comparative<br />

involvement may come in the forms of the<br />

complete participant and the participant-asobserver,<br />

with a degree of subjectivity and<br />

sympathy, while comparative detachment may<br />

come in the forms of the observer-as-participant<br />

and the complete observer, where objectivity and<br />

distance are key characteristics. Both complete<br />

participation and complete detachment are as<br />

limiting as each other. As a complete participant<br />

the researcher dare not go outside the confines of<br />

the group for fear of revealing his or her identity (in<br />

covert research), and as a complete observer there<br />

is no contact with the observed, so inference is<br />

dangerous. That said, both complete participation<br />

and complete detachment minimize reactivity,<br />

though in the former there is the risk of ‘going<br />

native’ – where the researcher adopts the values,<br />

norms and behaviours of the group, i.e. ceases to be<br />

aresearcherandbecomesamemberofthegroup.<br />

Participant observation may be particularly<br />

useful in studying small groups, or for events<br />

and processes that last only a short time or are<br />

frequent, for activities that lend themselves to<br />

being observed, for researchers who wish to reach<br />

inside a situation and have a long time available<br />

to them to ‘get under the skin’ of behaviour<br />

or organizations (as in an ethnography), and<br />

when the prime interest is in gathering detailed<br />

information about what is happening (i.e. is<br />

descriptive).<br />

In participant observational studies the researcher<br />

stays with the participants for a substantial<br />

period of time to reduce reactivity effects (the effects<br />

of the researcher on the researched, changing<br />

the behaviour of the latter), recording what is<br />

happening, while taking a role in that situation.<br />

In schools this might be taking on some particular<br />

activities, sharing supervisions, participating in<br />

school life, recording impressions, conversations,

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