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174 NATURALISTIC AND ETHNOGRAPHIC <strong>RESEARCH</strong><br />

field, as Arsenault and Anderson (1998: 125) state,<br />

‘is used generically in qualitative research and<br />

quite simply refers to where the phenomenon<br />

exists’.<br />

In some qualitative studies, the selection of the<br />

research field will be informed by the research<br />

purposes, the need for the research, what gave<br />

rise to the research, the problem to be addressed,<br />

and the research questions and sub-questions. In<br />

other qualitative studies these elements may only<br />

emerge after the researcher has been immersed for<br />

some time in the research site itself.<br />

Stage 2: Addressing ethical issues<br />

Deyle et al. (1992:623)identifyseveralcritical<br />

ethical issues that need to be addressed in<br />

approaching the research:<br />

How does one present oneself in the field As<br />

whom does one present oneself How ethically<br />

defensible is it to pretend to be somebody that you<br />

are not in order to gain knowledge that you would<br />

otherwise not be able to acquire, and to obtain<br />

and preserve access to places which otherwise you<br />

would be unable to secure or sustain.<br />

The issues here are several. First, there is<br />

the matter of informed consent (to participate<br />

and for disclosure), whether and how to gain<br />

participant assent (see also LeCompte and Preissle<br />

1993: 66). This uncovers another consideration,<br />

namely covert or overt research. On the one<br />

hand, there is a powerful argument for informed<br />

consent. However, the more participants know<br />

about the research the less naturally they may<br />

behave (LeCompte and Preissle 1993: 108), and<br />

naturalism is self-evidently a key criterion of the<br />

naturalistic paradigm.<br />

Mitchell (1993) catches the dilemma for<br />

researchers in deciding whether to undertake<br />

overt or covert research. The issue of informed<br />

consent, he argues, can lead to the selection<br />

of particular forms of research – those where<br />

researchers can control the phenomena under<br />

investigation – thereby excluding other kinds of<br />

research where subjects behave in less controllable,<br />

predictable, prescribed ways, indeed where subjects<br />

may come in and out of the research over time.<br />

He argues that in the real social world, access<br />

to important areas of research is prohibited if<br />

informed consent has to be sought, for example<br />

in researching those on the margins of society or<br />

the disadvantaged. It is to the participants’ own<br />

advantage that secrecy is maintained as, if secrecy<br />

is not upheld, important work may not be done<br />

and ‘weightier secrets’ (Mitchell 1993: 54) may be<br />

kept which are of legitimate public concern and<br />

in the participants’ own interests. Mitchell makes<br />

apowerfulcaseforsecrecy,arguingthatinformed<br />

consent may excuse social scientists from the risk<br />

of confronting powerful, privileged and cohesive<br />

groups who wish to protect themselves from<br />

public scrutiny. Secrecy and informed consent are<br />

moot points. Researchers, then, have to consider<br />

their loyalties and responsibilities (LeCompte and<br />

Preissle 1993: 106), for example what is the public’s<br />

right to know and what is the individual’s right to<br />

privacy (Morrison 1993; De Laine 2000: 13).<br />

In addition to the issue of overt or covert<br />

research, LeCompte and Preissle (1993) indicate<br />

that the problems of risk and vulnerability to<br />

subjects must be addressed; steps must be<br />

taken to prevent risk or harm to participants<br />

(non-maleficence – the principle of primum non<br />

nocere). Bogdan and Biklen (1992: 54) extend<br />

this to include issues of embarrassment as well<br />

as harm to those taking part. The question of<br />

vulnerability is present at its strongest when<br />

participants in the research have their freedom<br />

to choose limited, e.g. by dint of their age, by<br />

health, by social constraints, by dint of their<br />

life style (e.g. engaging in criminality), social<br />

acceptability, experience of being victims (e.g.<br />

of abuse, of violent crime) (Bogdan and Biklen<br />

1992:107). As the authors comment, participants<br />

rarely initiate research, so it is the responsibility<br />

of the researcher to protect them. Relationships<br />

between researcher and the researched are rarely<br />

symmetrical in terms of power; it is often the<br />

case that those with more power, information and<br />

resources research those with less.<br />

Astandardprotectionisoftentheguarantee<br />

of confidentiality, withholding participants’ real<br />

names and other identifying characteristics.<br />

Bogdan and Biklen (1992: 106) contrast this

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