RESEARCH METHOD COHEN ok
RESEARCH METHOD COHEN ok RESEARCH METHOD COHEN ok
VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY IN INTERVIEWS 153 Miller and Cannell (1997) identify some particular problems in conducting telephone interviews, where the reduction of the interview situation to just auditory sensory cues can be particularly problematical. There are sampling problems, as not everyone will have a telephone. Further, there are practical issues, for example, interviewees can retain only a certain amount of information in their short-term memory, so bombarding the interviewee with too many choices (the non-written form of ‘show cards’ of possible responses) becomes unworkable. Hence the reliability of responses is subject to the memory capabilities of the interviewee – how many scale points and descriptors, for example, can an interviewee retain about a single item Further, the absence of non-verbal cues is significant, e.g. facial expression, gestures, posture, the significance of silences and pauses (Robinson 1982), as interviewees may be unclear about the meaning behind words and statements. This problem is compounded if the interviewer is unknown to the interviewee. Miller and Cannell (1997) report important research evidence to support the significance of the non-verbal mediation of verbal dialogue. As discussed earlier, the interview is a social situation; in telephone interviews the absence of essential social elements could undermine the salient conduct of the interview, and hence its reliability and validity. Non-verbal paralinguistic cues affect the conduct, pacing and relationships in the interview and the support, threat and confidence felt by the interviewees. Telephone interviews can easily slide into becoming mechanical and cold. Further, the problem of loss of non-verbal cues is compounded by the asymmetries of power that often exist between interviewer and interviewee; the interviewer will need to take immediate steps to address these issues (e.g. by putting interviewees at their ease). On the other hand, Nias (1991) and Miller and Cannell (1997) suggest that the very factor that interviews are not face-to-face may strengthen their reliability, as the interviewee might disclose information that may not be so readily forthcoming in a face-to-face, more intimate situation. Hence, telephone interviews have their strengths and weaknesses, and their use should be governed by the criterion of fitness for purpose. They tend to be shorter, more focused and useful for contacting busy people (Harvey 1988; Miller, 1995). In his critique of the interview as a research tool, Kitwood (1977) draws attention to the conflict it generates between the traditional concepts of validity and reliability. Where increased reliability of the interview is brought about by greater control of its elements, this is achieved, he argues, at the cost of reduced validity. He explains: In proportion to the extent to which ‘reliability’ is enhanced by rationalization, ‘validity’ would decrease. For the main purpose of using an interview in research is that it is believed that in an interpersonal encounter people are more likely to disclose aspects of themselves, their thoughts, their feelings and values, than they would in a less human situation. At least for some purposes, it is necessary to generate a kind of conversation in which the ‘respondent’ feels at ease. In other words, the distinctively human element in the interview is necessary to its ‘validity’. The more the interviewer becomes rational, calculating, and detached, the less likely the interview is to be perceived as a friendly transaction, and the more calculated the response also is likely to be. (Kitwood 1977) Kitwood (1977) suggests that a solution to the problem of validity and reliability might lie in the direction of a ‘judicious compromise’. Aclusterofproblemssurroundthepersonbeing interviewed. Tuckman (1972), for example, has observed that, when formulating their questions, interviewers have to consider the extent to which aquestionmightinfluencerespondentstoshow themselves in a good light; or the extent to which a question might influence respondents to be unduly helpful by attempting to anticipate what the interviewer wants to hear; or the extent to which a question might be asking for information about respondents that they are not certain or likely to know themselves. Further, interviewing procedures are based on the assumption that the Chapter 6
154 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY people interviewed have insight into the cause of their behaviour. Insight of this kind may be rarely achieved and, when it is, it is after long and difficult effort, usually in the context of repeated clinical interviews. In educational circles interviewing might be aparticularprobleminworkingwithchildren. Simons (1982) and McCormick and James (1988) comment on particular problems involved in interviewing children, for example: establishing trust overcoming reticence maintaining informality avoiding assuming that children ‘know the answers’ overcoming the problems of inarticulate children pitching the question at the right level choosing the right vocabulary being aware of the giving and receiving of non-verbal cues moving beyond the institutional response or receiving what children think the interviewer wants to hear avoiding the interviewer being seen as an authority, spy or plant keeping to the point breaking silences on taboo areas and those which are reinforced by peer-group pressure seeing children as being of lesser importance than adults (maybe in the sequence in which interviews are conducted, e.g. the headteacher, then the teaching staff, then the children). These are not new matters. The studies by Labov in the 1960s showed how students reacted very strongly to contextual matters in an interview situation (Labov 1969). The language of children varied according to the ethnicity of the interviewee, the friendliness of the surroundings, the opportunity for the children to be interviewed with friends, the ease with which the scene was set for the interview, the demeanour of the adult (e.g. whether the adult was standing or sitting) and the nature of the topics covered. The differences were significant, varying from monosyllabic responses by children in unfamiliar and uncongenial surroundings to extended responses in the more congenial and less threatening surroundings – more sympathetic to the children’s everyday world. The language, argot and jargon (Edwards 1976), social and cultural factors of the interviewer and interviewee all exert apowerfulinfluenceontheinterviewsituation. The issue is also raised here (Lee 1993) of whether there should be a single interview that maintains the detachment of the researcher (perhaps particularly useful in addressing sensitive topics), or whether there should be repeated interviews to gain depth and to show fidelity to the collaborative nature of research (a feature, as was noted above, which is significant for feminist research: Oakley 1981). Kvale (1996: 148–9) suggests that a skilled interviewer should: know the subject matter in order to conduct an informed conversation structure the interview well, so that each stage of the interview is clear to the participant be clear in the terminology and coverage of the material allow participants to take their time and answer in their own way be sensitive and empathic, using active listening and being sensitive to how something is said and the non-verbal communication involved be alert to those aspects of the interview which may hold significance for the participant keep to the point and the matter in hand, steering the interview where necessary in order to address this check the reliability, validity and consistency of responses by well-placed questioning be able to recall and refer to earlier statements made by the participant be able to clarify, confirm and modify the participants’ comments with the participant. Walford (1994c: 225) adds to this the need for interviewers to have done their homework when interviewing powerful people, as such people could well interrogate the interviewer – they will assume up-to-dateness, competence and knowledge in the
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VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY IN INTERVIEWS 153<br />
Miller and Cannell (1997) identify some<br />
particular problems in conducting telephone<br />
interviews, where the reduction of the interview<br />
situation to just auditory sensory cues can be<br />
particularly problematical. There are sampling<br />
problems, as not everyone will have a telephone.<br />
Further, there are practical issues, for example,<br />
interviewees can retain only a certain amount<br />
of information in their short-term memory, so<br />
bombarding the interviewee with too many<br />
choices (the non-written form of ‘show cards’ of<br />
possible responses) becomes unworkable. Hence<br />
the reliability of responses is subject to the<br />
memory capabilities of the interviewee – how<br />
many scale points and descriptors, for example,<br />
can an interviewee retain about a single item<br />
Further, the absence of non-verbal cues is<br />
significant, e.g. facial expression, gestures, posture,<br />
the significance of silences and pauses (Robinson<br />
1982), as interviewees may be unclear about<br />
the meaning behind words and statements. This<br />
problem is compounded if the interviewer is<br />
unknown to the interviewee.<br />
Miller and Cannell (1997) report important<br />
research evidence to support the significance of<br />
the non-verbal mediation of verbal dialogue. As<br />
discussed earlier, the interview is a social situation;<br />
in telephone interviews the absence of essential<br />
social elements could undermine the salient<br />
conduct of the interview, and hence its reliability<br />
and validity. Non-verbal paralinguistic cues affect<br />
the conduct, pacing and relationships in the<br />
interview and the support, threat and confidence<br />
felt by the interviewees. Telephone interviews can<br />
easily slide into becoming mechanical and cold.<br />
Further, the problem of loss of non-verbal cues<br />
is compounded by the asymmetries of power that<br />
often exist between interviewer and interviewee;<br />
the interviewer will need to take immediate steps<br />
to address these issues (e.g. by putting interviewees<br />
at their ease).<br />
On the other hand, Nias (1991) and Miller<br />
and Cannell (1997) suggest that the very<br />
factor that interviews are not face-to-face may<br />
strengthen their reliability, as the interviewee<br />
might disclose information that may not be<br />
so readily forthcoming in a face-to-face, more<br />
intimate situation. Hence, telephone interviews<br />
have their strengths and weaknesses, and their use<br />
should be governed by the criterion of fitness for<br />
purpose. They tend to be shorter, more focused<br />
and useful for contacting busy people (Harvey<br />
1988; Miller, 1995).<br />
In his critique of the interview as a research<br />
tool, Kitwood (1977) draws attention to the conflict<br />
it generates between the traditional concepts<br />
of validity and reliability. Where increased reliability<br />
of the interview is brought about by greater<br />
control of its elements, this is achieved, he argues,<br />
at the cost of reduced validity. He explains:<br />
In proportion to the extent to which ‘reliability’<br />
is enhanced by rationalization, ‘validity’ would<br />
decrease. For the main purpose of using an interview<br />
in research is that it is believed that in an<br />
interpersonal encounter people are more likely to<br />
disclose aspects of themselves, their thoughts, their<br />
feelings and values, than they would in a less<br />
human situation. At least for some purposes, it<br />
is necessary to generate a kind of conversation in<br />
which the ‘respondent’ feels at ease. In other words,<br />
the distinctively human element in the interview is<br />
necessary to its ‘validity’. The more the interviewer<br />
becomes rational, calculating, and detached, the less<br />
likely the interview is to be perceived as a friendly<br />
transaction, and the more calculated the response<br />
also is likely to be.<br />
(Kitwood 1977)<br />
Kitwood (1977) suggests that a solution to the<br />
problem of validity and reliability might lie in the<br />
direction of a ‘judicious compromise’.<br />
Aclusterofproblemssurroundthepersonbeing<br />
interviewed. Tuckman (1972), for example, has<br />
observed that, when formulating their questions,<br />
interviewers have to consider the extent to which<br />
aquestionmightinfluencerespondentstoshow<br />
themselves in a good light; or the extent to which<br />
a question might influence respondents to be<br />
unduly helpful by attempting to anticipate what<br />
the interviewer wants to hear; or the extent to<br />
which a question might be asking for information<br />
about respondents that they are not certain or<br />
likely to know themselves. Further, interviewing<br />
procedures are based on the assumption that the<br />
Chapter 6