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ETHICAL ISSUES IN SENSITIVE RESEARCH 125 who may be harbouring counter-attitudes to those prevailing in the school’s declared mission. Pushed further, this means that researchers will need to decide the limits of tolerance, beyond which they will not venture. For example, in Patrick’s (1973) study of a Glasgow gang, the researcher is witness to a murder. Should he report the matter to the police and, thereby, ‘blow his cover’, or remain silent in order to keep contact with the gang, thereby breaking the law, which requires a murder to be reported In interviewing students they may reveal sensitive matters about themselves, their family, their teachers, and the researcher will need to decide whether and how to act on this kind of information. What should the researcher do, for example, if, during the course of an interview with ateacherabouttheleadershipoftheheadteacher, the interviewee indicates that the headteacher has had sexual relations with a parent, or has an alcohol problem Does the researcher, in such cases, do nothing in order to gain research knowledge, or does the researcher act What is in the public interest – the protection of an individual participant’s private life, or the interests of the researcher Indeed Lee (1993: 139) suggests that some participants may even deliberately engineer situations whereby the researcher gains ‘guilty knowledge’ in order to test the researcher’s affinities: ‘trust tests’. Ethical issues are thrown into sharp relief in sensitive educational research. The question of covert research rises to the fore, as the study of deviant or sensitive situations may require the researcher to go under cover in order to obtain data. Covert research may overcome ‘problems of reactivity’ (Lee 1993: 143) wherein the research influences the behaviour of the participants (Hammersley and Atkinson 1983: 71). It may also enable the researcher to obtain insiders’ true views, for, without the cover of those being researched not knowing that they are being researched, entry could easily be denied, and access to important areas of understanding could be lost. This is particularly so in the case of researching powerful people who may not wish to disclose information and who, therefore, may prevent or deny access. The ethical issue of informed consent, in this case, is violated in the interests of exposing matters that are in the public interest. To the charge that this is akin to spying, Mitchell (1993: 46) makes it clear that there is a vast difference between covert research and spying: ‘Spying is ideologically proactive, whereas research is ideologically naïve’ (Mitchell 1993: 46). Spies, he argues, seek to further a particular value system or ideology; research seeks to understand rather than to persuade. Spies have a sense of mission and try to achieve certain instrumental ends, whereas research has no such specific mission. Spies believe that they are morally superior to their subjects, whereas researchers have no such feelings; indeed, with reflexivity being so important, they are sensitive to how their own role in the investigation may distort the research. Spies are supported by institutions which train them to behave in certain ways of subterfuge, whereas researchers have no such training. Spies are paid to do the work, whereas researchers often operate on a not-for-profit or individualistic basis. On the other hand, not to gain informed consent could lead to participants feeling duped, very angry, used and exploited, when the results of the research are eventually published and they realize that they have been studied without their approval consent. 2 The researcher is seen as a predator (Lee 1993: 157), using the research ‘as a vehicle for status, income or professional advancement which is denied to those studied’. As Lee (1993: 157) remarks, ‘it is not unknown for residents in some ghetto areas of the United States to complain wryly that they have put dozens of students through graduate school’. Further, the researched may have no easy right of reply; feel misrepresented by the research; feel that they have been denied a voice; have wished not to be identified and their situation put into the public arena; feel that they have been exploited. Chapter 5

126 SENSITIVE EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH The cloak of anonymity is often vital in sensitive research, such that respondents are entirely untraceable. This raises the issue of ‘deductive disclosure’ (Boruch and Cecil 1979), wherein it is possible to identify individuals (people, schools, departments etc.) in question by reconstructing and combining data. Researchers should guard against this possibility. Where the details that are presented could enable identification of a person (e.g. in a study of a school there may be only one male teacher aged 50 who teaches biology, such that putting a name is unnecessary, as he will be identifiable), it may be incumbent on the researcher not to disclose such details, so that readers, even if they wished to reassemble the details in order to identify the respondent, are unable to do so. The researcher may wish to preserve confidentiality, but may also wish to be able to gather data from individuals on more than one occasion. In this case a ‘linked file’ system (Lee 1993: 173) can be employed. Here three files are kept; in the first file the data are held and arbitrary numbers are assigned to each participant; the second file contains the list of respondents; the third file contains the list of information necessary to be able to link the arbitrarily assigned numbers from the first file to the names of the respondents in the second, and this third file is kept by a neutral ‘broker’, not the researcher. This procedure is akin to double-blind clinical experiments, in which the researcher does not know the names of those who are or are not receiving experimental medication or a placebo. That this may be easier in respect of quantitative rather than qualitative data is acknowledged by Lee (1993: 179). Clearly, in some cases, it is impossible for individual people, schools and departments not to be identified, for example schools may be highly distinctive and, therefore, identifiable (Whitty and Edwards 1994: 22). In such cases clearance may need to be obtained for the disclosure of information. This is not as straightforward as it may seem. For example, a general principle of educational research is that no individuals should be harmed (non-maleficence), but what if a matter that is in the legitimate public interest (e.g. a school’s failure to keep to proper accounting procedures) is brought to light Should the researcher follow up the matter privately, publicly, or not at all If it is followed up then certainly harm may come to the school’s officers. Ethical issues in the conduct of research are thrown into sharp relief against a backdrop of personal, institutional and societal politics, and the boundaries between public and private spheres are not only relative but also highly ambiguous. The ethical debate is heightened, for example concerning the potential tension between the individual’s right to privacy versus the public’s right to know and the concern not to damage or harm individuals versus the need to serve the public good. Because public and private spheres may merge, it is difficult, if not impossible, to resolve such tensions straightforwardly (cf. Day 1985; Lee 1993). As Walford (2001: 30) writes: ‘the potential gain to public interest ...was great. There would be some intrusion into the private lives of those involved, but this could be justified in research on ...an important policy issue’. The end justified the means. These issues are felt most sharply if the research risks revealing negative findings. To expose practices to research scrutiny may be like taking the plaster off an open wound. What responsibility to the research community does the researcher have If a negative research report is released, will schools retrench, preventing future research in schools from being undertaken (a particular problem if the researcher wishes to return or wishes not to prevent further researchers from gaining access) Whom is the researcher serving – the public, the schools, the research community The sympathies of the researcher may be called into question here; politics and ethics may be uncomfortable bedfellows in such circumstances. Negative research data, such as the negative hidden curriculum of training for conformity in schools (Morrison 2005a) may not endear researchers to schools. This can risk stifling educational research – it is simply not worth the personal or public cost. As Simons (2000: 45) writes: ‘the price is too high’.

126 SENSITIVE EDUCATIONAL <strong>RESEARCH</strong><br />

The cloak of anonymity is often vital in sensitive<br />

research, such that respondents are entirely<br />

untraceable. This raises the issue of ‘deductive<br />

disclosure’ (Boruch and Cecil 1979), wherein it is<br />

possible to identify individuals (people, schools,<br />

departments etc.) in question by reconstructing<br />

and combining data. Researchers should guard<br />

against this possibility. Where the details that are<br />

presented could enable identification of a person<br />

(e.g. in a study of a school there may be only<br />

one male teacher aged 50 who teaches biology,<br />

such that putting a name is unnecessary, as he<br />

will be identifiable), it may be incumbent on the<br />

researcher not to disclose such details, so that<br />

readers, even if they wished to reassemble the<br />

details in order to identify the respondent, are<br />

unable to do so.<br />

The researcher may wish to preserve confidentiality,<br />

but may also wish to be able to gather data<br />

from individuals on more than one occasion. In<br />

this case a ‘linked file’ system (Lee 1993: 173) can<br />

be employed. Here three files are kept; in the first<br />

file the data are held and arbitrary numbers are assigned<br />

to each participant; the second file contains<br />

the list of respondents; the third file contains the<br />

list of information necessary to be able to link the<br />

arbitrarily assigned numbers from the first file to<br />

the names of the respondents in the second, and<br />

this third file is kept by a neutral ‘br<strong>ok</strong>er’, not the<br />

researcher. This procedure is akin to double-blind<br />

clinical experiments, in which the researcher does<br />

not know the names of those who are or are not<br />

receiving experimental medication or a placebo.<br />

That this may be easier in respect of quantitative<br />

rather than qualitative data is acknowledged<br />

by Lee (1993: 179).<br />

Clearly, in some cases, it is impossible for<br />

individual people, schools and departments not<br />

to be identified, for example schools may be highly<br />

distinctive and, therefore, identifiable (Whitty<br />

and Edwards 1994: 22). In such cases clearance<br />

may need to be obtained for the disclosure of<br />

information. This is not as straightforward as<br />

it may seem. For example, a general principle<br />

of educational research is that no individuals<br />

should be harmed (non-maleficence), but what<br />

if a matter that is in the legitimate public<br />

interest (e.g. a school’s failure to keep to proper<br />

accounting procedures) is brought to light Should<br />

the researcher follow up the matter privately,<br />

publicly, or not at all If it is followed up<br />

then certainly harm may come to the school’s<br />

officers.<br />

Ethical issues in the conduct of research are<br />

thrown into sharp relief against a backdrop of<br />

personal, institutional and societal politics, and<br />

the boundaries between public and private spheres<br />

are not only relative but also highly ambiguous.<br />

The ethical debate is heightened, for example<br />

concerning the potential tension between the<br />

individual’s right to privacy versus the public’s<br />

right to know and the concern not to damage<br />

or harm individuals versus the need to serve the<br />

public good. Because public and private spheres<br />

may merge, it is difficult, if not impossible, to<br />

resolve such tensions straightforwardly (cf. Day<br />

1985; Lee 1993). As Walford (2001: 30) writes:<br />

‘the potential gain to public interest ...was great.<br />

There would be some intrusion into the private<br />

lives of those involved, but this could be justified<br />

in research on ...an important policy issue’. The<br />

end justified the means.<br />

These issues are felt most sharply if the<br />

research risks revealing negative findings. To<br />

expose practices to research scrutiny may be like<br />

taking the plaster off an open wound. What<br />

responsibility to the research community does the<br />

researcher have If a negative research report is<br />

released, will schools retrench, preventing future<br />

research in schools from being undertaken (a<br />

particular problem if the researcher wishes to<br />

return or wishes not to prevent further researchers<br />

from gaining access) Whom is the researcher<br />

serving – the public, the schools, the research<br />

community The sympathies of the researcher<br />

may be called into question here; politics and<br />

ethics may be uncomfortable bedfellows in such<br />

circumstances. Negative research data, such as<br />

the negative hidden curriculum of training for<br />

conformity in schools (Morrison 2005a) may not<br />

endear researchers to schools. This can risk stifling<br />

educational research – it is simply not worth the<br />

personal or public cost. As Simons (2000: 45)<br />

writes: ‘the price is too high’.

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