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Post-<strong>colonial</strong> writing and literary <strong>translation</strong> 37<br />

13 The question of exile and <strong>post</strong>-<strong>colonial</strong> writing is taken up and reappraised<br />

by Brennan 1990, esp. pp. 60–6; note Brennan’s assessment of the<br />

relationship between exile and patronage.<br />

14 See, for example, the history of Bible translators discussed by Bassnett<br />

1991: 45–50; Nida 1964: 14 ff.<br />

15 Nida 1964: ch. 10 offers examples.<br />

16 There are, of course, symbolic reasons for his choice of pickle.<br />

17 Examples of such problems can be found in Lefevere 1992a: 22–9. Other<br />

complex types of diffuse cultural material that both translators and writers<br />

struggle to communicate include elements of the habitus (see Bourdieu<br />

1977), as well as pervasive cultural metaphors (see Lakoff and Johnson<br />

1980); these issues are, however, beyond the scope of this essay.<br />

18 In this discrepancy we see Rushdie’s priorities for communication with his<br />

readers; at the same time the ironizing of history and the unreliable historical<br />

narration in the text are probably obscured for most international readers<br />

whose ignorance hampers recognition of Rushdie’s rhetorical strategies.<br />

19 A writer like Joyce who does not provide explanation (of customs, beliefs,<br />

social structure, politics, history, geography, language, and so forth) for<br />

his international readers assumes a political stance resistant to hegemony<br />

(cf. Sommer 1992), but also risks alienating the international readership.<br />

20 An example suggesting this trajectory is Achebe’s careful explanation of<br />

the kolanut ceremony in Things Fall Apart (Achebe 1991: 9–11) which<br />

contrasts markedly with his later treatment of the same ceremony in A<br />

Man of the People (Achebe 1989: 91) in which no explanation is provided.<br />

One can also project an alternative trajectory in which growing<br />

international success leads an author to a somewhat cynical<br />

accommodation to the standards of the dominant-culture audience.<br />

21 For examples, see Ngãugãi 1986: 14; Emecheta 1979: 11. Nida discusses<br />

issues in translating names (1964: 193–5, 233–4).<br />

22 Types of <strong>translation</strong> strategies are discussed in Bassnett 1991: 23–9 and<br />

Nida 1964: ch. 8.<br />

23 Consider, for example, the problems of interpreting Rushdie’s<br />

versions of history discussed above; see also the discussion<br />

in Tymoczko 1994 of the skewed readings of Joyce produced<br />

by critics with inadequate knowledge of his Irish cultural<br />

context.<br />

24 For a discussion of patronage and <strong>translation</strong>, see, for example, Lefevere<br />

1985 and 1992b.<br />

25 As, for example, Brennan claims (1990: 63 ff.).<br />

26 Thus, for example, translators must take into account the literacy levels of<br />

their audience (Nida 1964: 129 ff., 143–4).<br />

27 See, for examples, the essays in Even-Zohar 1990; Hermans (ed.) 1985;<br />

and Lefevere and Jackson (eds) 1982.<br />

28 On resistant strategies of writing and <strong>translation</strong> see Sommer 1992; Venuti<br />

(ed.) 1992 and Venuti 1995.<br />

29 These points are taken up in Even-Zohar 1990: 45–51; Kálmán 1986;<br />

Lefevere 1979; Toury 1985: 20 ff. and 1995: 40–52; Venuti 1995.<br />

30 See Tymoczko 1994: chs 3, 5 and 6.<br />

31 Referring to a cataract.

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