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Wzorzec-przegl d lekarski-XX-2001

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ORIGINAL PAPERS – PRACE ORYGINALNE<br />

Sara ARBER<br />

Gender, marital status and sleep problems<br />

in Britain<br />

P³eæ, stan cywilny i problemy ze snem<br />

w Wielkiej Brytanii<br />

Department of Sociology, University of Surrey,<br />

Guildford, Surrey<br />

Co-Director, Centre for Research on Ageing<br />

and Gender (CRAG): Professor Sara Arber<br />

Additional key words:<br />

sleep problems<br />

gender<br />

marital status<br />

socio-economic status (SES)<br />

Dodatkowe s³owa kluczowe:<br />

problemy ze snem<br />

p³eæ<br />

status cywilny<br />

status spo³eczno-ekonomiczny<br />

Professor Sara Arber<br />

Co-Director, Centre for Research on Ageing<br />

and Gender (CRAG),<br />

Department of Sociology, University of Surrey,<br />

Guildford, Surrey GU2 7XH<br />

Tel: 01483-686973; Fax: 0441483-689551<br />

Email: S.Arber@surrey.ac.uk<br />

Sleep is fundamental to health and<br />

well-being, with women consistently<br />

reporting greater sleep problems than<br />

men, yet scant sociological research<br />

has examined gender differences in<br />

sleep quality. This paper analyses (i)<br />

gender differences in sleep problems,<br />

and (ii) how marital status differences<br />

in sleep problems differ among women<br />

and men. In both cases, the relative<br />

contributions of socio-economic status<br />

(SES), smoking, worries, health<br />

and depression in explaining these<br />

gender and marital status differences<br />

are analysed. Logistic regression is<br />

used to analyse the British Psychiatric<br />

Morbidity Survey 2000, which interviewed<br />

8578 men and women aged 16 to<br />

74. Women reported significantly more<br />

sleep problems than men, as did the<br />

divorced and widowed compared with<br />

married respondents. Gender differences<br />

in sleep problems were halved following<br />

adjustment for socio-economic<br />

characteristics, suggesting that SES<br />

inequalities play a major part in accounting<br />

for gender differences. This study<br />

casts doubt on the primacy of physiological<br />

explanations underlying<br />

gender differences in sleep. Marital<br />

status differences in sleep are greater<br />

among men than women, with previously<br />

partnered men reporting particularly<br />

poor quality sleep. However, this<br />

is largely explained by the more disadvantaged<br />

socio-economic circumstances<br />

of the previously partnered,<br />

especially for men. The paper concludes<br />

that gender and marital status differences<br />

are partly due to the lower<br />

socio-economic status of women and<br />

of the previously partnered.<br />

Sen jest podstawowym wyznacznikiem<br />

zdrowia i samopoczucia, kobiety<br />

konsekwentnie podaj¹ wiêcej problemów<br />

ze snem ni¿ mê¿czyŸni, dot¹d<br />

niewiele badañ socjologicznych analizowa³o<br />

genderowe ró¿nice w jakoœci<br />

snu. Artyku³ ten analizuje 1/genderowe<br />

ró¿nice w odniesieniu do problemów<br />

ze snem, 2/ próbuje wskazaæ jak<br />

stan cywilny ró¿nicuje problemy ze<br />

snem kobiet i mê¿czyzn. W obu przypadkach<br />

wp³yw statusu spo³ecznoekonomicznego<br />

(SSE), palenie tytoniu,<br />

zmartwienia, stan zdrowia i depresja<br />

by³y analizowane dla wyjaœnienia tych<br />

ró¿nic wynikaj¹cych z p³ci i stanu cywilnego.<br />

Model regresji logistycznej<br />

zosta³ zastosowany dla przeanalizowania<br />

wyników British Psychiatric Morbidity<br />

Survey 2000, w którym przeprowadzono<br />

wywiady z 8578 mê¿czyzn i<br />

kobiet w wieku 16 do 74 lat. Kobiety<br />

zg³asza³y istotnie wiêcej problemów ze<br />

snem ni¿ mê¿czyŸni, tak jak osoby rozwiedzione<br />

i owdowia³e w porównaniu<br />

do respondentów pozostaj¹cych w<br />

zwi¹zkach ma³¿eñskich. Ró¿nice genderowe<br />

w problemach ze snem wystandaryzowane<br />

w odniesieniu do statusu<br />

spo³eczno-ekonomicznego sugeruj¹,<br />

¿e nierównoœci wynikaj¹ce z statusu<br />

spo³eczno-ekonomicznego odgrywaj¹<br />

g³ówn¹ rolê w okreœlaniu ró¿-<br />

nic genderowych. To badanie zasia³o<br />

w¹tpliwoœæ oddawania pierwszeñstwa<br />

fizjologicznemu wyjaœnianiu tych ró¿-<br />

nic genderowych. Ró¿nice w œnie zale¿ne<br />

od stanu cywilnego s¹ wiêksze<br />

wœród mê¿czyzn ni¿ wœród kobiet,<br />

mê¿czyŸni ,którzy byli poprzednio w<br />

zwi¹zkach szczególnie zwracali uwagê<br />

na z³¹ jakoœæ snu. Jakkolwiek, by³y<br />

one w wiêkszoœci wyjaœniane przez<br />

wiêcej niekorzystnych uwarunkowañ<br />

zwi¹zanych ze statusem spo³ecznoekonomicznym<br />

mê¿czyzn poprzednio<br />

przebywaj¹cych w zwi¹zkach. Wnioski<br />

wskazuj¹ na fakt, ¿e ró¿nice genderowe<br />

i wynikaj¹ce ze stanu cywilnego s¹<br />

czêœciowo zale¿ne od niskiego statusu<br />

spo³eczno-ekonomicznego kobiet i<br />

od przebywania poprzednio w zwi¹zku.<br />

54 Przegl¹d Lekarski 2012 / 69 / 2 S. Arber


Introduction<br />

Social scientists have paid relatively little<br />

attention to quality of sleep, nor have they<br />

assessed whether social factors mediate<br />

gender differences in sleep quality. This<br />

paper examines the British Psychiatric Morbidity<br />

Survey [28] to better understand gender<br />

and marital status differences in sleep<br />

problems.<br />

It is well-known in sleep research that<br />

women report higher levels of sleep complaints<br />

than men [16, 26, 33]. A meta-analysis<br />

of 29 published studies concluded that<br />

the overall risk ratio of insomnia was 1.41<br />

for women compared to men [33]. Biological<br />

or physiological sex differences are often<br />

identified as explanations for women's<br />

higher levels of disturbed sleep [4,7,19], and<br />

psychological explanations are also prevalent<br />

[19]. Women have higher levels of depression<br />

and anxiety, and research shows<br />

that individuals suffering from psychiatric<br />

disorders, such as depression and anxiety,<br />

have poorer quality sleep [23,30]. However,<br />

gender differences in sleep quality remain<br />

after removing the effects of women's higher<br />

rates of psychiatric morbidity [19,33].<br />

Studies of gender differences in sleep<br />

less frequently consider sociological explanations.<br />

Chen et al.[4] conclude that 'In contrast<br />

with explanations emphasising gender<br />

differences in biology and prior psychiatric<br />

illnesses, the sociological perspective has<br />

not been well investigated in the existing<br />

literature.' They found that the gender difference<br />

in sleep disturbance was reduced<br />

after controlling for women's social roles<br />

(using marital status, employment status,<br />

and number of children under 15 as a proxy<br />

for childcare responsibilities). However,<br />

women's sleep quality still remained significantly<br />

poorer than men's, suggesting the<br />

need for research on gender differences<br />

using more extensive measures of social<br />

roles and socio-economic status (SES).<br />

Sekine et al. [26] found that the gender difference<br />

in reported sleep quality among<br />

Japanese civil servants could be entirely<br />

explained by gender differences in work<br />

characteristics, domestic roles and familywork<br />

conflicts. However, it remains unclear<br />

whether gender differences can be explained<br />

by socio-economic, work and family<br />

characteristics among nationally representative<br />

population samples.<br />

Other researchers have shown the<br />

poorer sleep quality of the divorced/separated<br />

and of widowed people. However, it<br />

is also important to examine whether there<br />

is a gender and marital status interaction in<br />

relation to sleep quality, rather than simply<br />

analysing gender and marital status as additive<br />

variables within analyses. In particular,<br />

whether there are greater marital status<br />

differences among men than women,<br />

and the reasons underlying any such differences.<br />

Married men have been shown<br />

to be particularly advantaged, regarding a<br />

number of other dimensions of well-being<br />

(including income, material circumstances,<br />

health and social support), with smaller<br />

marital status differences found among<br />

women than among men [1]<br />

A major reason for poorer sleep quality<br />

is because chronic ill-health causes pain and<br />

discomfort at night, resulting in sleep complaints<br />

and disorders [5, 29, 32]. Since poor<br />

physical and mental health is associated<br />

with disrupted sleep it is important to assess<br />

whether gender or marital status differences<br />

in sleep quality are confounded by poorer<br />

health among women and among those who<br />

are previously married.<br />

Materials and Methods<br />

This paper addresses the following research questions:<br />

(1) What is the relative contribution of socio-economic<br />

characteristics, compared with smoking, worries,<br />

poor health and depression, in explaining gender differences<br />

in sleep problems<br />

(2) How does the association between marital status<br />

and sleep problems differ among women and men,<br />

and what is the relative contribution of socio-economic<br />

characteristics and other factors to marital status differences<br />

in sleep problems<br />

The paper analyses a British nationally representative<br />

cross-sectional survey: the 2000 Psychiatric Morbidity<br />

Survey [28]. Home interviews (averaging 1 1/2 hours)<br />

were conducted with 8,580 people aged 16-74. A representative<br />

sample of addresses was selected from the<br />

Postcode Address File with one household member aged<br />

16-74 randomly selected for interview from each sample<br />

household. The response rate of 69.5% is high, considering<br />

the length and complexity of the interview [28, 29].<br />

The maximum age is 74 years, therefore our findings<br />

cannot be generalised to older people above this age.<br />

Sleep Problems<br />

Sleep problems were measured as part of the revised<br />

version of the Clinical Interview Schedule (CIS-R)<br />

[18]. Respondents were asked: 'In the past month, have<br />

you been having problems with trying to get to sleep or<br />

with getting back to sleep if you woke up or were woken<br />

up' Those answering 'Yes', were asked: 'On how many<br />

of the past seven nights did you have problems with your<br />

sleep' Three response categories were provided: None;<br />

1 to 3 nights; 4 nights or more. The paper analyses a<br />

dichotomous variable of reporting sleep problems on 4<br />

or more nights per week (versus less often) as an indicator<br />

of frequently experienced sleep difficulties.<br />

Socio-demographic and socio-economic<br />

characteristics<br />

Age was categorised as 16-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-<br />

54, 55-64, 65-74.<br />

Marital status - Married/cohabiting, Never married,<br />

Widowed, Divorced/separated. Number of children living<br />

in the household, coded as None, 1, 2, 3 or more.<br />

Highest educational qualifications were coded into<br />

4 ordinal categories: Degree level or higher qualifications;<br />

Professional, teaching, or technical qualifications<br />

and A levels (national examinations taken at 18 and required<br />

for university entry); Lower qualifications, e.g.<br />

GCSE/O levels, secretarial, trade and apprenticeship<br />

qualifications; and No educational qualifications.<br />

Employment status was self-reported as Full-time<br />

employed, Part-time employed, Unemployed (looking for<br />

work in last 4 weeks) or Economically inactive (coded<br />

from main reason not working in last 4 weeks as retirement,<br />

full-time student, household duties, or disability/<br />

long-term sick).<br />

Housing tenure was coded as Owns accommodation;<br />

Rents from Public Housing (Local Authority or Housing<br />

Association); or Rents from other sources, primarily<br />

private renting.<br />

Household income is measured by the sum of personal<br />

gross income from all sources for each household<br />

member, equivalised using the McClements Scale [6],<br />

which adjusts for differences in number of adults and<br />

children in the household. Income was coded into 5 ranges:<br />

the lowest category (< £ 150 per week) comprises<br />

20% of the whole sample, and the highest (> £ 750 per<br />

week) comprises 12%.<br />

Measures of other variables<br />

Smoking was categorised as Never smoked, Exsmoker<br />

and Current smoker.<br />

Worries. Self-reported data about Worries (in general),<br />

Worries about health, and Depression were obtained<br />

using the CIS-R symptom scores [18]. For each<br />

of these measures, interviewees were asked if they had<br />

experienced 4 different symptoms in the last 7 days. In<br />

each case, this was scored as None, Medium (1 symptom<br />

reported), and High (2 or more symptoms reported).<br />

Self-rated (or self-assessed) health is used extensively<br />

in research on determinants of health, and is a<br />

good predictor of mortality and general health [8,14]. Selfrated<br />

health was measured by asking: 'How is your health<br />

in general Would you say your health is Excellent, Very<br />

Good, Good, Fair or Poor', recoded into 3 categories:<br />

Very good (representing 'excellent' or 'very good'), Good,<br />

and Poor (representing 'fair' or 'poor').<br />

Number of chronic illnesses was measured by asking;<br />

'Do you have any long-standing illnesses, disability<br />

or infirmity By long-standing I mean anything that has<br />

troubled you over a period of time or that is likely to affect<br />

you over a period of time.' Respondents self-reporting<br />

'Yes', were asked 'What is the matter with you' and<br />

each health problem mentioned was recorded. The total<br />

number of long-standing health problems self-reported<br />

were summed, and recoded as None, 1, 2, 3 or more.<br />

Statistical analysis<br />

The proportions of men and women reporting sleep<br />

problems on 4 or more nights a week are analysed for<br />

each of the above variables, with chi-squared probability<br />

values reported (Tables 1-2). Hierarchical logistic regression<br />

models are presented to examine the two research<br />

questions addressed in the paper.<br />

Statistical analyses were performed using SPSS<br />

(version 13, SPSS, Inc., Chicago, IL). Statistical tests<br />

used .05 (2 tailed) significance levels. To allow the<br />

strength and precision of the relationships to be assessed,<br />

results are presented as odds ratios (OR) with<br />

their associated 95% confidence intervals (CI).<br />

Results<br />

Gender differences in sleep problems<br />

- bivariate analyses<br />

Tables I and II show the proportion of<br />

men and women reporting sleep problems<br />

on 4 or more nights per week in relation to<br />

socio-demographic, socio-economic, health<br />

and other variables. More women (20%)<br />

than men (14%) report sleep problems on 4<br />

or more nights per week. A significant relationship<br />

with age is found for women but not<br />

for men. The highest proportion of women<br />

reporting sleep problems are age 45-54<br />

(24%) with a modest decline above this age.<br />

The divorced/separated report the worst<br />

sleep among both women (27%) and men<br />

(26%), followed by the widowed (26%<br />

women, 21% men). The gender difference<br />

in sleep problems is greater among married<br />

people (18% of married women and 12.5%<br />

married men report sleep problems), than<br />

among the single (16% vs 12%), or divorced.<br />

This suggests that the sleep advantage of<br />

marriage may be primarily experienced by<br />

married men, rather than married women,<br />

which would accord with results from a<br />

range of qualitative studies [13,31].<br />

Significant associations with sleep problems<br />

are found for each socio-economic status<br />

(SES) measure, which are broadly comparable<br />

for men and women. Regarding<br />

household income, only 10% in the highest<br />

income group report sleep problems compared<br />

with 25% in the lowest income group.<br />

Adults with more education report fewer<br />

sleep problems; only 12% with a degree report<br />

sleep problems compared with 22%<br />

who have no qualifications. The unemployed<br />

(22%) and economically inactive (25%) are<br />

more likely than the full-time employed<br />

Przegl¹d Lekarski 2012 / 69 / 2<br />

55


2<br />

1,8<br />

Figure 1<br />

Odds Ratios of Women having Poor Sleep Quality<br />

on 4 or more nights per week, compared with the<br />

Men (reference category, men = 1.0) a .<br />

1,6<br />

1,4<br />

1,2<br />

1<br />

1.49**<br />

1.42**<br />

1.23**<br />

1.17*<br />

1.27**<br />

1. Age<br />

2. + Marital Status, children<br />

3. + Socioeconomic<br />

4. + Worries/Smoking<br />

5. + Health<br />

a. Hierarchical logistic regression models adjusting for<br />

sets of variables, as in Table III. Model 1, Age; Model 2,<br />

+ Marital Status, Number of Children; Model 3, +<br />

Socioeconomic (Educational Qualifications, Employment<br />

Status, Household Income, Housing Tenure); Model 4,<br />

+ Worries, Smoking; Model 5, + Subjective health, Health<br />

worries, Number of chronic illnesses, Depressive<br />

symptoms.<br />

Significance of gender difference, ** p


£<br />

Table I<br />

Proportion reporting poor sleep on 4 or more nights a week by demographic and socio-economic variables<br />

by gender, age 16-74<br />

Men<br />

Women<br />

Total<br />

% n = % N = % n=<br />

All<br />

14.<br />

2 3851<br />

19.<br />

7 4727<br />

17.<br />

2 8578<br />

Age<br />

16-24<br />

10.<br />

9 385<br />

15.<br />

9 409<br />

13.<br />

5 794<br />

25-34<br />

12.<br />

9 711<br />

15.<br />

7 972<br />

14.<br />

6 1683<br />

35-44<br />

13.<br />

2 823<br />

17.<br />

5 1024<br />

15.<br />

6 1847<br />

45-54<br />

15.<br />

1 747<br />

24.<br />

2 798<br />

19.<br />

8 1545<br />

55-64<br />

16.<br />

7 646<br />

22.<br />

0 796<br />

19.<br />

6 1442<br />

65-74<br />

15.<br />

4 539<br />

22.<br />

9 728<br />

19.<br />

7 1267<br />

p=<br />

0.091<br />

0.000<br />

0.000<br />

Marital Status<br />

Married<br />

12.<br />

5 2356<br />

18.<br />

0 2739<br />

15.<br />

5 5095<br />

Single<br />

12.<br />

4 937<br />

15.<br />

8 849<br />

14.<br />

0 1786<br />

Widowed<br />

21.<br />

4 131<br />

25.<br />

9 432<br />

24.<br />

9 563<br />

Divorced/Separated<br />

25.<br />

5 427<br />

27.<br />

2 707<br />

26.<br />

5 1134<br />

p=<br />

0.000<br />

0.000<br />

0.000<br />

Number of children<br />

No<br />

children<br />

15.<br />

2 2816<br />

20.<br />

4 3096<br />

17.<br />

9 5912<br />

1 child<br />

13.<br />

2 440<br />

19.<br />

1 650<br />

16.<br />

7 1090<br />

2 children<br />

9.<br />

3 454<br />

18.<br />

5 701<br />

14.<br />

9 1155<br />

3+<br />

children<br />

13.<br />

5 141<br />

16.<br />

4 280<br />

15.<br />

4 421<br />

p=<br />

0.008<br />

0.303<br />

0.055<br />

Highest Educational Qualifications<br />

Degree<br />

9.<br />

4 662<br />

14.<br />

7 577<br />

11.<br />

9 1239<br />

Professional,<br />

A Level<br />

10.<br />

7 857<br />

17.<br />

2 886<br />

14.<br />

0 1743<br />

GCSE<br />

or equivalent<br />

15.2 1 2 1248<br />

17.<br />

9 1719<br />

16.<br />

8 2967<br />

No<br />

qualifications<br />

18.<br />

7 1047<br />

25.<br />

1 1517<br />

22.<br />

5 2564<br />

p=<br />

0.000<br />

0.000<br />

0.000<br />

Employment Status<br />

Working<br />

full time<br />

10.<br />

2 2353<br />

14.<br />

5 1463<br />

11.<br />

8 3816<br />

Working<br />

part time<br />

11.<br />

6 285<br />

16.<br />

0 1168<br />

15.<br />

1 1453<br />

Unemployed<br />

20.<br />

5 146<br />

24.<br />

6 114<br />

22.<br />

3 260<br />

Economically<br />

inactive<br />

23.<br />

1 1031<br />

25.<br />

5 1954<br />

24.<br />

7 2985<br />

p=<br />

0.000<br />

0.000<br />

0.000<br />

Household Equivalised Income per week L£<br />

< L150 £<br />

24.<br />

9 574<br />

25.<br />

7 1082<br />

25.<br />

4 1656<br />

£ L150


Table II<br />

Proportion reporting poor sleep on 4 or more nights a week by smoking, worries and health variables by<br />

gender, age 16-74<br />

Men Women Total<br />

% n= % n= % n=<br />

Cigarette Smoking<br />

Current Smoker 19.0 1162 24.4 1402 22.0 2564<br />

Ex Smoker 12.0 1808 18.3 1938 15.3 3746<br />

Never Smoked 12.3 877 16.8 1383 15.0 2260<br />

p= 0.000 0.000 0.000<br />

Self-reported Worries<br />

No 9.3 2612 12.5 2888 11.0 5500<br />

Medium 14.6 591 22.2 825 19.0 1416<br />

High 33.6 648 38.4 1014 36.5 1662<br />

p= 0.000 0.000 0.000<br />

Health worries<br />

No 10.0 3228 15.3 3909 12.9 7137<br />

Medium 28.4 342 33.7 466 31.4 808<br />

High 45.6 281 49.7 352 47.9 633<br />

p= 0.000 0.000 0.000<br />

Self-reported Health<br />

Very Good or Excellent 7.0 2111 12.3 2473 9.8 4584<br />

Good 13.4 972 20.4 1253 17.3 2225<br />

Fair or poor 35.1 767 37.4 999 36.4 1766<br />

p= 0.000 0.000 0.000<br />

Number of chronic illnesses<br />

0 8.3 2108 12.7 2442 10.7 4550<br />

1 16.7 1099 21.4 1296 19.2 2395<br />

2 22.0 381 28.7 575 26.0 956<br />

3 or more 40.0 260 44.0 411 42.5 671<br />

p= 0.000 0.000 0.000<br />

Source: Psychiatric Morbidity Survey, 2000 (authors' analysis)<br />

Worries are implicated in the gender difference<br />

in sleep problems. Women's sleep<br />

is more likely to be disturbed by worries,<br />

particularly associated with their gender role<br />

as mothers or wives, and their concern for<br />

the well-being of family members [13, 2, 31].<br />

Previous sleep research has tended to view<br />

'worries' as a mark of anxiety or psychological<br />

problems, rather than embedded within<br />

social roles and responsibilities. Worries<br />

and concerns represent an important predictor<br />

of sleep problems, but retain an independent<br />

effect after controlling for health and<br />

depression Table III, Model 5). In addition,<br />

this analysis suggests that differences in<br />

health status between men and women do<br />

not explain the gender difference in sleep<br />

problems. Indeed, the gender difference<br />

becomes greater after adjusting for health<br />

variables and depression (Table III, Model 5).<br />

This research supports other studies<br />

that have found poorer sleep quality among<br />

those with low educational qualifications [15,<br />

21, 24, 29], who are not working [22, 24],<br />

and have low income [17, 9]. However, this<br />

study goes beyond previous research in two<br />

ways. First, by using representative national<br />

data to simultaneously consider the independent<br />

effects of four SES variables (education,<br />

employment status, household income,<br />

housing tenure). Second, it addresses previous<br />

observations [24] that the higher prevalence<br />

of insomnia among individuals with low<br />

education, not working and with low income<br />

may be confounded by poor physical and<br />

mental health, through examining models<br />

containing health measures and depression.<br />

The relative importance of different sets<br />

of factors in leading to sleep problems are<br />

considered. 'Worries' are likely to be confounded<br />

with socio-economic characteristics;<br />

the relationships between sleep problems<br />

and living on a low income or living in rented<br />

housing were partially mediated through<br />

worries and concerns. After adjusting for<br />

smoking, worries, health and depression, a<br />

significant independent association still remained<br />

between sleep problems and both<br />

low education and not being in paid work.<br />

Lack of employment is linked to sleep problems<br />

in two ways; for the unemployed, primarily<br />

through its intrinsic relationship with<br />

worries, while for the economically inactive,<br />

primarily because of their poorer health status.<br />

There is a much larger effect of marital<br />

status on sleep problems among men than<br />

among women, suggesting advantages<br />

conferred by marriage for men in terms of<br />

sleep quality. Divorced/separated men and<br />

widowed men have particularly poor quality<br />

sleep compared with married men. Although<br />

losing a partner (whether through<br />

divorce or death) has psychological consequences<br />

which may adversely effect sleep<br />

quality, this analysis shows that a major factor<br />

explaining the higher rate of sleep problems<br />

among the previously married is their<br />

more disadvantaged SES.<br />

Conclusions<br />

A large part of the well-known gender<br />

difference in reported sleep problems is<br />

mediated by the more disadvantaged socioeconomic<br />

status (SES) of women, casting<br />

doubt on the primacy of physiological explanations<br />

of this gender difference. In turn,<br />

SES is shown to impact on psychological<br />

distress and worries, which form part of the<br />

mechanism through which disadvantaged<br />

SES impacts on sleep problems.<br />

There are gender differences in the association<br />

of marital status with poor sleep<br />

with greater effects of marital status for men<br />

than women. Men who were previously married<br />

(whether divorced or widowers) have<br />

particularly poor sleep compared with their<br />

married counterparts. Whereas for women,<br />

these associations with marital status are<br />

less strong. However, among both men<br />

and women, a substantial proportion of the<br />

higher reported sleep problems of the divorced<br />

and widowed can be accounted for<br />

by their more disadvantaged SES. These<br />

findings that people with more disadvantaged<br />

SES report greater sleep problems<br />

need further consideration by health researchers.<br />

Despite sleep being important for health<br />

and well-being [3], previous research on<br />

gender inequalities in health has hitherto<br />

paid scant attention to gender differences<br />

in sleep problems or to how women's disadvantaged<br />

social position or gender roles<br />

mediate these differences. This research<br />

has shown strong linkages both between<br />

socio-economic variables and reported<br />

sleep problems, and between health variables<br />

and sleep problems. This suggests<br />

that low socio-economic status, family worries<br />

and women's family roles, may potentially<br />

be mechanisms that account for<br />

women's greater experience of sleep disruption.<br />

Acknowledgements<br />

The author acknowledges funding from<br />

the New Dynamics of Ageing initiative, a<br />

multidisciplinary research programme sup-<br />

58 Przegl¹d Lekarski 2012 / 69 / 2 S. Arber


Table III<br />

Odds Ratios of poor sleep quality on 4 or more nights per week (n= 8240).<br />

Model 1<br />

Age +<br />

Sex<br />

Model 2<br />

+<br />

Demographic<br />

-2 Log likelihood 7481.59 7415.25 7186.16 6711.49 6268.64<br />

Ddf 6 6 12 4 9<br />

Nagelkerke R Square .017 0.030 0.075 0.164 0.242<br />

* p


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