Manuel Franzmann The Debate About the Finalité ... - Euroacademia
Manuel Franzmann The Debate About the Finalité ... - Euroacademia
Manuel Franzmann The Debate About the Finalité ... - Euroacademia
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Paper prepared for <strong>the</strong> Second <strong>Euroacademia</strong> International Conference<br />
<strong>The</strong> European Union and <strong>the</strong> Politicization of Europe<br />
Budapest, 6 – 8 December 2012<br />
This paper is a draft<br />
Please do not cite<br />
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<strong>The</strong> debate about <strong>the</strong> “finalité” of EU-reforms. A noteworthy<br />
rejection of a European federal “nation state” among German<br />
intellectuals 1<br />
<strong>Manuel</strong> <strong>Franzmann</strong>, Goe<strong>the</strong>-University Frankfurt am Main, Germany<br />
Abstract:<br />
For some months, a vivid intellectual debate has taken place in <strong>the</strong> German press about <strong>the</strong> “finalité” of institutional<br />
reforms within <strong>the</strong> European Union. <strong>The</strong> majority of its participants outright reject <strong>the</strong> outlook of a European federal<br />
“nation state”. At first glance, <strong>the</strong>ir primary argument seems to be conclusive: A complete “communitisation” (in <strong>the</strong><br />
sense of <strong>the</strong> sociological distinction between “community” and “society”) of <strong>the</strong> European Union would be an<br />
excessive demand for <strong>the</strong> centuries old national bonds. (Such a communitisation would imply a fully developed<br />
European federal “nation state”.) Accordingly, it seems reasonable to restrict <strong>the</strong> EU to a limited form of supranational<br />
cooperation between independent nation-states, which conclude intergovernmental contracts. However, <strong>the</strong><br />
story seems to be more complicated. With <strong>the</strong> crisis of <strong>the</strong> EU, it has become obvious that with <strong>the</strong> implementation of<br />
<strong>the</strong> economic and monetary union, <strong>the</strong> EU states lost an immense amount of national sovereignty and already crossed<br />
<strong>the</strong> line of limited contract-based interstate cooperation that follows <strong>the</strong> logic of “societalization”. <strong>The</strong>y now deeply<br />
depend on each o<strong>the</strong>r and are in need of joint action, which thoroughly affects <strong>the</strong>ir lives. <strong>The</strong>y increasingly resemble<br />
a “totality” of a common life, of a “community”, but without perceiving <strong>the</strong>mselves as such, i.e. as a developing new<br />
Nation “Europe”.<br />
Keywords: political sociology; finalité of <strong>the</strong> EU; public debate in Germany; federal state; EU-crisis<br />
Introduction<br />
For some months, German newspapers and magazines have published a series of articles about <strong>the</strong> “finalité” of EUreforms.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> dominant consensus that <strong>the</strong> persistent crisis of <strong>the</strong> European Union calls for more and not less<br />
Europe, <strong>the</strong> majority of writers, commentators and intellectuals involved in this debate reject outright <strong>the</strong> perspective<br />
of a European nation-state, even if you label it a “post-national” or “federal” state. <strong>The</strong> main reason put forward for<br />
this is that a European federal state would be at least unrealistic in <strong>the</strong> face of <strong>the</strong> lack of will to European solidarity<br />
and centuries old national bonds. It is no question that this argument makes a lot of sense. It is astounding, however,<br />
how quickly any discussion about a European federal state ends with it. This suggests that we do not really need a<br />
European federal state, nei<strong>the</strong>r to overcome <strong>the</strong> actual crisis of <strong>the</strong> European Union nor to prepare for a future of<br />
multipolar power spheres. In this paper, I argue that such a perception seems to be illusory. My paper is to be<br />
understood as a step towards a sociological research project, which shall explore <strong>the</strong> involved “background” of<br />
interpretation patterns regarding <strong>the</strong> Political, based on documents and in-depth interviews with politicians of <strong>the</strong><br />
European Union.<br />
<strong>The</strong> rejection of a federal state – an example<br />
A prominent example for this rejection of a European federal state that I quote now for <strong>the</strong> purpose of illustration is<br />
<strong>the</strong> German philosopher Jürgen Habermas. In an interview with Francis Fukuyama about Habermas' new book “<strong>The</strong><br />
Crisis of <strong>the</strong> European Union: A Response” Habermas explains his rejection. He says:<br />
“If we are to cease shirking <strong>the</strong> question of <strong>the</strong> ‘finalité’ of <strong>the</strong> unification process, we must lay down <strong>the</strong><br />
correct parameters. A federal state on <strong>the</strong> model of <strong>the</strong> United States or <strong>the</strong> German federal republic is <strong>the</strong><br />
wrong model; for that would be to set an unrealistically ambitious goal – one more ambitious than is necessary<br />
or sensible. (…) a Commission that would have been transformed into a government would not have to be<br />
predominantly responsible toward <strong>the</strong> European Parliament, as required by <strong>the</strong> pattern of a federal state. For <strong>the</strong><br />
purpose of democratic legitimation it would be sufficient that a European government be responsible in equal<br />
measure to <strong>the</strong> Parliament and <strong>the</strong> Council in which <strong>the</strong> national governments are represented.” (Habermas<br />
2012) 2<br />
“Community” vs. “Society”, <strong>the</strong> European Union as a hybrid<br />
In order to show what seems to be illusory with this argumentation, I have to make use of <strong>the</strong> old sociological<br />
distinction between “community” and “society” that goes back to <strong>the</strong> German sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies (1887,<br />
1957) and was later adopted by Durkheim, Weber and o<strong>the</strong>rs. It allows for <strong>the</strong> outlining of a general structural<br />
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problem of <strong>the</strong> political institutions of <strong>the</strong> European Union that has developed gradually and meanwhile takes serious<br />
proportions. In <strong>the</strong> language of <strong>the</strong>se terms, <strong>the</strong> European Union is a contradictory hybrid between “community” and<br />
“society”. It has started as “society” on <strong>the</strong> institutional level and later moved towards “community”, but actually<br />
never reached <strong>the</strong> point of a political constitution as “community”. This would imply a federal state that represents <strong>the</strong><br />
instrument to act as a community.<br />
Before elaborating on this hybrid condition, I have to give some explanatory words about <strong>the</strong> central analytical<br />
distinction used here. What is <strong>the</strong> difference between “community” and “society” A community is holistic, a society<br />
specific. Within a community, you are relevant as a whole person, whereas in society you only count as carrier of a<br />
special function or role, i.e. in a limited regard. This implies that in a community usually every topic is permitted for<br />
discussion, whereas in society <strong>the</strong> allowed topics are limited to <strong>the</strong> specific roles, functions and forms of cooperation.<br />
Community also implies solidarity, whereas in society <strong>the</strong> emphasis is on pursuing one’s self-interest–e.g. through<br />
contracting with o<strong>the</strong>rs. In a community, you often share your life and your emotions, whereas society is marked by<br />
interpersonal distance. Everybody is regarded as replaceable. Community comprises <strong>the</strong> totality of life, whereas<br />
society appears in this regard only as an abstraction. <strong>The</strong>re is much more to say about <strong>the</strong> difference between<br />
community and society, but <strong>the</strong>se ra<strong>the</strong>r unsystematic remarks should suffice to illustrate it a bit and to evoke a rough<br />
understanding. 3<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are some sociologists who follow <strong>the</strong> “founder” of this distinction (Tönnies) in thinking that “community” is a<br />
social phenomenon, which is restricted to relationships in social proximity (e.g. family relations) and gets overarched<br />
by society in <strong>the</strong> historical emergence of modernity. In this perspective, <strong>the</strong> nation state is seen as “society”. However,<br />
this would be a fundamental “category mistake” with serious consequences for <strong>the</strong>orizing about <strong>the</strong> Political. <strong>The</strong><br />
nation state has to be seen as a political “community” or more precisely as <strong>the</strong> instrument for acting as a political<br />
community. It embodies (as legal community) <strong>the</strong> “non-contractual elements in contracts” Durkheim was interested in<br />
and is <strong>the</strong> carrier of a shared culture with values that developed from its history. It has an obligation to solidarity<br />
towards its members that has become in some way operationalized in <strong>the</strong> modern welfare state. <strong>The</strong> political<br />
community has <strong>the</strong> right to impose obligations upon its members as well as upon its guests without <strong>the</strong>ir contractual<br />
agreement. If you die as a soldier who serves your national community you not only lose a specific role and function,<br />
you lose your whole life. <strong>The</strong>se are only a few examples that should demonstrate <strong>the</strong> community character of <strong>the</strong><br />
nation state. This nation state should be seen primarily as a universalistic model of political community, at least in its<br />
fully developed, democratized shape. In this respect, it represents something abstract, a structure that would be valid<br />
for a European political community as well.<br />
Societal relationships, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, are to be found within a nation state and out of it. <strong>The</strong> former constitute a<br />
society that, metaphorical speaking, builds a politically and legally regulated social space “between” state and<br />
communities within <strong>the</strong> social proximities–such as families and friendships. <strong>The</strong> latter exist in <strong>the</strong> ra<strong>the</strong>r sparsely<br />
regulated sphere between <strong>the</strong> states. <strong>The</strong>y dominate <strong>the</strong> process of globalization. <strong>The</strong> difference between <strong>the</strong>m is <strong>the</strong><br />
presence or absence of a politically communitarized social framework with its regulations and rules.<br />
Now let us look at <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> European Union and its predecessors. As is well known, political elites started<br />
this European project in <strong>the</strong> face of two World Wars and of <strong>the</strong> human catastrophes in <strong>the</strong> first half of <strong>the</strong> 20 th century.<br />
This historical context stimulated a strong sense of cooperation and an impulse focusing on <strong>the</strong> community of<br />
humankind. In this respect, <strong>the</strong> whole European undertaking appears “communitarized” right from <strong>the</strong> beginning.<br />
However, as important as it is, this is something informal. On <strong>the</strong> formal level, <strong>the</strong> building of European institutions<br />
began dominantly in <strong>the</strong> mode of societalization, i.e. with limited, specified, contractual relationships to <strong>the</strong> mutual<br />
benefit between autonomous nation-states. <strong>The</strong> areas of cooperation grew massively over time and developed a highly<br />
institutionalized shape. This process was accompanied by a growing symbolism of a European community and lead to<br />
<strong>the</strong> transferring of sovereign rights of <strong>the</strong> participating nation states to European institutions.<br />
That is <strong>the</strong> point where <strong>the</strong> mentioned structural problem emerged and became progressively stronger. It is that <strong>the</strong><br />
political communities of <strong>the</strong> participating nation states are weakened in <strong>the</strong>ir sovereignty in favor of a hybrid political<br />
entity, which has not yet constituted itself as a political community and which is tied to <strong>the</strong> logic of societalization. In<br />
effect, this means an institutional weakening of “community” as a political and social framework for everything else.<br />
It must be compensated with a great deal of effort by <strong>the</strong> strong informal community impulse among political leaders<br />
in Europe. If <strong>the</strong> majority of EU citizens could perceive <strong>the</strong> European Union as a political community in its own right<br />
and not only as an hybrid entity based on limited interstate agreements, <strong>the</strong>re would be no reason any more not to<br />
transfer <strong>the</strong> universalistic model of <strong>the</strong> democratized nation state with its historical achievements up to <strong>the</strong> European<br />
level. <strong>The</strong>refore, as it seems, <strong>the</strong> often-criticized democratic deficit of <strong>the</strong> EU, its underdeveloped social infrastructure<br />
and o<strong>the</strong>r shortcomings in comparison to <strong>the</strong> standards of <strong>the</strong> nation state must be explained by <strong>the</strong> not yet constituted<br />
political community of <strong>the</strong> EU. I see two major barriers to it: first, <strong>the</strong> lack of political support among intellectuals,<br />
politicians and citizens, and second, <strong>the</strong> practical difficulty to find a wise syn<strong>the</strong>sis between <strong>the</strong> different variations of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation state within <strong>the</strong> member countries of <strong>the</strong> EU–this is a complex challenge with lots of questions of detail.<br />
However, it should be clear that <strong>the</strong> leading problem is <strong>the</strong> lack of political support. In this respect, Habermas<br />
argumentation has a somewhat positivistic touch. Accordingly, he adds in his interview with Francis Fukuyama with<br />
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firm absoluteness: “It is true that <strong>the</strong> citizens will always have closer ties to <strong>the</strong>ir nation state than to <strong>the</strong> European<br />
Union“. But is this a fact written in some sort of book of nature One thing seems clear: without <strong>the</strong> support of strong<br />
intellectual voices, <strong>the</strong> necessary change in <strong>the</strong> perceptions of citizens and in <strong>the</strong> European public will not take place.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong>re is a danger of a self-fulfilling prophecy in argumentations like <strong>the</strong> one of Habermas. However, <strong>the</strong><br />
main point seems to be that he does not see any need for a European federal state and for a constitution as political<br />
community, nei<strong>the</strong>r now nor in <strong>the</strong> future. This goes hand in hand with a philosophical cosmopolitism and postnationalism<br />
that prematurely regards <strong>the</strong> nation state as obsolete and orientates towards a vague “world society”. 4<br />
<strong>The</strong> current crisis as indecisiveness between “community” and “society”<br />
Let us move on now to <strong>the</strong> current crisis of <strong>the</strong> European Union that, of course, has many aspects, causes and<br />
consequences. Here, our focus has to be on <strong>the</strong> contradictory, hybrid constitution of EU institutions that move between<br />
society and community. In this respect, <strong>the</strong> turning point in <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> European Union and in <strong>the</strong> formation of<br />
<strong>the</strong> complex crisis seems to be <strong>the</strong> implementation of <strong>the</strong> economic and monetary union. With it, <strong>the</strong> participating EU<br />
member states in some way crossed a line because <strong>the</strong>y now gave up very important aspects of <strong>the</strong>ir economic<br />
autonomy. <strong>The</strong> current crisis illustrates this particularly regarding <strong>the</strong> monetary policy. In history, states have financed<br />
whole wars with <strong>the</strong>ir monetary policy. <strong>The</strong>y have managed <strong>the</strong>ir national debt; stimulated economic growth; put <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
national economy in an advantageous position in relation to <strong>the</strong> world market through <strong>the</strong> devaluation of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
currencies. <strong>The</strong> current tragedy of Greece is in part due to <strong>the</strong> lack of its former monetary autonomy. For this reason,<br />
some economists call for a temporary or longer return of Greece to its drachma. <strong>The</strong> main alternative to such an<br />
approach of turning <strong>the</strong> clocks back seems to be moving on and completing <strong>the</strong> political communitisation with a<br />
European federal state. This conclusion is backed by <strong>the</strong> “optimum currency area <strong>the</strong>ory” that has become an<br />
important intellectual resource to analyse <strong>the</strong> current crisis of <strong>the</strong> European Union. According to this <strong>the</strong>ory (Mundell<br />
1961) <strong>the</strong>re are four main characteristics of a currency area that provide stability of <strong>the</strong> currency: homogeneity,<br />
flexibility, mobility and solidarity. <strong>The</strong> Eurozone clearly falls short in all four compared to <strong>the</strong> Dollar zone of <strong>the</strong><br />
USA. <strong>The</strong> Belgian philosopher and economist Philippe Van Parijs has very convincingly argued (Van Parijs 2012)<br />
that <strong>the</strong> most realistic prospect for advancement in stabilizing <strong>the</strong> Eurozone is <strong>the</strong> construction of an effective<br />
infrastructure of solidarity. But how to build such an infrastructure without <strong>the</strong> constitution of a European political<br />
community<br />
Conclusion<br />
Let me conclude this presentation with a short summary. With <strong>the</strong> economic and monetary union, <strong>the</strong> participating<br />
member states put <strong>the</strong>mselves in <strong>the</strong> same boat on such a large scale that <strong>the</strong> resulting consequences begin to burst <strong>the</strong><br />
limits and rock <strong>the</strong> entire boat, causing comprehensive problems. For this reason, you can say that all citizens of <strong>the</strong><br />
EU already form an actual “community of consequences”. However, <strong>the</strong>y still do not see and constitute <strong>the</strong>mselves as<br />
a “political community” along <strong>the</strong> standards of <strong>the</strong> fully developed model of <strong>the</strong> nation state, which would allow<br />
acting as a community in a democratically legitimized way and with a built in infrastructure of solidarity. To this day,<br />
<strong>the</strong> political institutions of <strong>the</strong> EU remain limited or “societal” in <strong>the</strong>ir framework to deal with <strong>the</strong>se far-reaching<br />
consequences.<br />
Information about <strong>the</strong> author see: www.manuelfranzmann.de<br />
References:<br />
Habermas, rgen. 2012. “<strong>The</strong> European Citizen: Just a Myth” Interview by Francis Fukuyama. Global. <strong>The</strong> Global<br />
Journal. http://<strong>the</strong>globaljournal.net/article/view/695/<br />
Mundell, Robert A. 1961. “A <strong>The</strong>ory of Optimum Currency Areas.” American Economic Review 51 (4): 657–665.<br />
Oevermann, Ulrich. 2000. “<strong>The</strong> Analytical Difference Between Community and Society and Its Consequences.<br />
Keynote Address.” In Developing Identities in Europe. Citizenship Education and Higher Education, ed.<br />
Alistair Ross, 37–61. London: CiCe.<br />
Tönnies, Ferdinand. 1887. Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, Leipzig: Fues's Verlag.<br />
Tönnies, Ferdinand. 1957. Community & society, East Lansing: Michigan State University Press.<br />
Van Parijs, Philippe. 2012. “No Eurozone without Euro-dividend”. Unpublished, provisional manuscript.<br />
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Notes:<br />
1 My presentation of this paper at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Euroacademia</strong> conference in Budapest 2012 was made possible by <strong>the</strong> generous support of <strong>the</strong><br />
“Vereinigung von Freunden und Förderern der Johann Wolfgang Goe<strong>the</strong>-Universität Frankfurt am Main e.V.“. Thanks to Margaret<br />
Griese and Amos Nascimento for proof reading this manuscript.<br />
2 For Habermas’ contribution to <strong>the</strong> debate in Germany, see: http://www.faz.net/aktuell/feuilleton/debatten/europaszukunft/kurswechsel-fuer-europa-einspruch-gegen-die-fassadendemokratie-11842820-l1.html<br />
3 See also Oevermann 2000.<br />
4 „Here we are dealing with <strong>the</strong> very first instance of an accommodation of sovereign nation states – moreover, <strong>the</strong> first generation<br />
of particularly self-confident nation states with <strong>the</strong>ir own imperial pasts – to <strong>the</strong> postnational constellation of an emerging world<br />
society.” (Habermas 2012)<br />
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