Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
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UNITY OF YOUTH<br />
In stark contrast to these specific and unrealistic demands, no strict guidelines were<br />
formulated for youth unity. Dimitrov insisted that the YCLs could not fulfil their primary<br />
task "of achieving unity with the socialist youth" if they kept "on trying, as they have<br />
done hitherto, to construct their organizations as if they were Communist Parties of the<br />
youth." 40 Kuusinen asserted YCL admission requirements ought to be revised and that<br />
"the doors of our youth organizations must be thrown wide open!" 41 Unlike the past,<br />
youth were not expected to accept Leninism to gain YCL membership or affiliation to the<br />
YCI. YCI propaganda asserted youth would be allowed complete independence in<br />
guiding the development of socialist youth unity. Michal stated, "The members of both<br />
organizations should freely decide the organizational forms and the name of the amalgamated<br />
organizations as well as its connections with parties and affiliation with the<br />
Internationals." 42 Though the Comintern deemed such possibilities unlikely, YCLs were<br />
actually theoretically given the opportunity to disaffiliate from the YCI if their socialist<br />
comrades deemed it a necessary condition for unification.<br />
Michal reiterated the common values of socialist and communist youth. A common<br />
anti-fascist and anti-war platform was the only pre-requisite to achieve the political unity<br />
of working-class youth:<br />
From the rostrum of the World Congress of the Young Communist International, we declare<br />
that we consider the Socialist youth as our closest allies. We say to the young Socialists,<br />
our class brothers: We want to work in common with you, shoulder to shoulder<br />
in a comradely way, for the interests of the youth and in the spirit of struggle against our<br />
common enemy – fascism – in order to hinder the outbreak of imperialist war and to<br />
wrest the workers and the toiling youth from the clutches of hunger, want and lack of<br />
rights. We and the young Socialists are allies because we are the sons of one class, because<br />
we have a common doctrine – Marxism, because we have a common foe – fascism,<br />
and because we have a great, invincible ideal in common, socialism… further<br />
maintenance of the split of the working class youth cannot be justified. 43<br />
Socialist youth groups were no longer considered enemy organizations to be exposed and<br />
liquidated. The Popular Front Generation insisted the splits that had been intentionally<br />
bred in the socialist movement had to be overcome by the youth in order to defeat<br />
fascism.<br />
"Unity" became the watchword and central basis of the Popular Front. Those who<br />
were willing to work with the communists were praised, while those opposing Popular<br />
Front tactics were demonized as fascist agents, saboteurs and reactionaries. This strategy<br />
was designed specifically to discriminate against Trotskyist influences that still posited<br />
traditional Leninist outlooks. Michal insisted that within youth Popular Front groups that<br />
"there is no place in these organizations for… the opponents of unity." 44 The divergence<br />
in the orthodox theory and practice of Trotskyism with Popular Front communism made<br />
the two movements highly incompatible and antagonistic. 45 Dimitrov predicted that the<br />
Trotskyists would continually "do their utmost to prevent the establishment of working<br />
class unity and the development of the People's Front movement against fascism and<br />
war." 46<br />
83