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Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf

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YOUTH AGAINST FASCISM<br />

leadership of a broad alliance of social forces, and maintain this leadership during a<br />

prolonged period of transition" in the struggle for a socialism born out of populist democratic<br />

movements that encapsulated a wide variety of progressive social elements. 5 This<br />

Popular Front revisionism transformed Western communism into a broad movement<br />

engaged in the mainstream of democratic politics, ending the era of the Leninist Generation.<br />

The rise of the Popular Front necessitated "a new way of thinking" for communists<br />

and socialists. 6 As we have seen, the Leninist Generation of the YCI had constructed<br />

communism in opposition to social-democratic theory and practices based on their<br />

perceptions of socialist betrayal, but after the rise of Hitler, communists began to perceive<br />

fascism as the greatest threat to peace, the Soviet Union and the working class. The<br />

Comintern amended its definition of fascism, characterizing its basis in narrow social<br />

terms that enabled the formation of broad anti-fascist alliances; hence a new Popular<br />

Front Generation undertook a complete revision of Leninism on the issues of nationalism,<br />

popular unity and democracy to effectively counter fascism. With a generation of<br />

historical animosity to overcome, GDH Cole correctly asserted that the youth "occupy today<br />

a strategic position of peculiar importance" to undertake the enormous task of<br />

constructing the Popular Front. 7<br />

The Seventh World Congress: The Working Class <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong><br />

Though Mussolini himself characterized fascism as "the resolute negation of… Marxian<br />

socialism" and rejected the "possibility or utility of perpetual peace," the Leninist Generation<br />

underestimated fascism's strength and did little to effectively counter it. 8 <strong>Fascism</strong><br />

was generally understood as a domestic movement of capitalist reaction; the Leninist<br />

method to fight "the specious revolutionary language of fascist demagogy" was by an<br />

"energetic and revolutionary fight against the ruling class." 9 In 1923, the year prior to<br />

Mussolini's full fascist dictatorship, the YCI defined fascism as the "deadliest enemy" of<br />

the working class. The YCI vowed to "ruthlessly smash <strong>Fascism</strong> wherever it shows its<br />

head," dedicating over twenty pages in their resolutions and theses to anti-fascism. 10 By<br />

1924, the YCI shifted the direction of its resolutions and activities to the challenges of<br />

"Bolshevization." The YCI's 1924 resolutions dedicated only one page to the struggle<br />

against fascism, advocating "open military struggle" as the strategy to "best produce<br />

decomposition in the ranks of the fascists." 11 <strong>Fascism</strong> continued to be opposed, but the<br />

YCI failed to strategically target it, characterizing it as simply another form of anticommunist<br />

reaction.<br />

The Third Period's "social-fascist" analysis linked fascism rhetorically with socialists,<br />

bourgeois democracy and anti-communism. This analysis of fascism asserted that<br />

"fascism equals reaction" and that "all capitalist regimes, whether parliamentary or<br />

dictatorial were defined as fascist;" social democrats were now "seen not merely as<br />

38

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