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Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf

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NOTES<br />

47. Though the Comintern openly embraced similar positions in the past, the Popular Front strategy condemned such assertions<br />

as reactionary and unrealistic, therefore making any coordination with the Trotskyist movement incompatible and<br />

undesirable by many. See "Founding Conference of the Fourth International 1938: Thesis On the World Role of American Imperialism," in<br />

Toward a History of the Fourth International Online Archive .<br />

48. Georgi Dimitrov, "The People's Front," in The United Front: The Struggle <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong> And War (San Francisco:<br />

Proletarian Publishers, 1975), 199.<br />

49. R. Khitarov, "Right and Left Deviations in the <strong>Youth</strong> Movement," The International of <strong>Youth</strong>: Organ of the Executive<br />

Committee of the Young Communist International no.1, (April-May, 1930): 9.<br />

50. In striving to be "ideologically correct" Leninists in opposition to other youth organizations, the British and American<br />

YCL's often directed their political energies to internal ideological struggles within the Communist Parties since other<br />

groups had already been systematically denounced. See Ibid., 13.<br />

51. For an excellent study of the impact of British communism in communities and the interrelationship of the movement with<br />

others on a local level see Stuart Macintyre, Little Moscows: Communism and Working-Class Militancy in Inter-War Britain<br />

(London: Croom Helm, 1980). <strong>Youth</strong> campaigns for socialist unity in Britain were part of a larger phenomenon during<br />

the twenties to counter the growing coercive power of organized employer's organizations. See Arthur McIvor,<br />

Organized Capital.<br />

52. Blame for mutual animosity between these organizations was rooted in divergences in theoretical outlook and in the practical<br />

applications of tactics within the larger Labour movement. Discrimination and hostility against communist activists<br />

was also a regular feature of Labour politics at the leadership level throughout the inner-war period that was often translated<br />

into the socialist youth movements. Though Labour Party discrimination against communists became more of a<br />

dogma than a principled strategic stance over the years, the CPGB inflicted much damage in its early years to intentionally<br />

breed animosity between itself and the Labour Party. After the Labour Party first refused affiliation of the CPGB in 1921,<br />

the CP released an extremely hostile pamphlet describing the correspondence between the two parties. What is obvious<br />

from the CP reply was that while discrimination emanated from the Labour Party executive, the CP was not at all an innocent<br />

victim in bringing this discrimination upon itself. The CP statement boldly stated, "The reply it will be seen, is a<br />

definite refusal that our objects 'do not appear' to be in accord with those of the Labour Party. To be quite frank we never<br />

supposed they were. Our worst enemy will not accuse us of ever pretending they were." CPGB, The Communist Party<br />

and the Labour Party: All the Facts and all the Correspondence (London: CPGB 1921), 7. When the CP finally came<br />

down to a less aggressive stance on socialist unity with the Popular Front era is was realised that coordinated unity between<br />

the CPGB and Labour Party would be very unlikely and therefore great hope was put into the youth movement to be<br />

able to heal the splits in the socialist movement.<br />

53. YCLGB, The United Front of the <strong>Youth</strong> (London: YCLGB, 1926), 6.<br />

54. Ibid., 9, 10.<br />

55. YCLGB, A Congress of Young Fighters, 8, 20.<br />

56. YCLGB, Where Shall We Start (London: YCLGB, 1930) 10.<br />

57. Ibid., 16.<br />

58. YCLGB, For <strong>Youth</strong> Unity: Being the Reply of the Young Communist International to the Independent Labour Party Guild<br />

of <strong>Youth</strong> (London: YCLGB, 1933), 5.<br />

59. Ibid., 10.<br />

60. Ibid., 11.<br />

61. YCLGB, Lenin and the <strong>Youth</strong> Movement (London: YCLGB, 1934), 3.<br />

62. The irony of the anti-YCL attitude of the ILP was that while it initially denounced the YCL for its revolutionary communist<br />

tactics, the ILP later scorned the YCL for giving up the struggle for revolutionary socialism with the adoption of the<br />

Popular Front. A 1937 pamphlet from the ILP attacked the Popular Front and British communists for abandoning the class<br />

struggle: "As a Revolutionary Socialist Party, the Independent Labour Party bases its policy on the class struggle.… The<br />

ILP is therefore opposed to the tactic of the Popular Front, which aims at combining the working class forces with the<br />

"democratic" elements within the Capitalist parties in opposition to <strong>Fascism</strong> and Reaction. This tactic ignores the fact that<br />

<strong>Fascism</strong> and Reaction are inseparable from Capitalism and can only be defeated by the overthrow of Capitalism.… The<br />

ILP rejects the view that it is necessary to adopt the Popular Front tactic and to modify the class struggle in order to win<br />

the support of the middle class. The winning of effective support from the middle class can only be achieved within the<br />

framework of the fight for a Socialist solution, by showing this class that their best interests are served by assisting the<br />

working class to establish Socialism." See ILP, Through the Class Struggle to Socialism: The ILP Attitude and Resolutions<br />

Adopted at Annual Conference, Easter, 1937 (London: ILP, 1937), 3.<br />

63. Ibid., 4.<br />

64. Ibid., 8.<br />

65. V. Chemodanov, Struggle or Go Down: The Right of <strong>Youth</strong> Independence in the Struggle for Socialism (London: YCLGB,<br />

1934), 16.<br />

66. William Potter, "Lessons of the ILP," in Marxism and the British Labour Party: The Open Turn Debate<br />

.<br />

67. YCLGB, Young Workers Advance! One Fight! One Foe! One Front! A Brief Report on the Meeting of the Representative<br />

of the ILP Guild of <strong>Youth</strong> and the Young Communist International, Paris, May 5-6 th (London: YCLGB, 1934), 8.<br />

68. Gollan, Raise High the Banner, 1.<br />

69. Ibid., 2.<br />

70. Ibid., 3.<br />

71. Ibid., 5.<br />

72. Ibid., 11-12.<br />

73. Gollan's pamphlets of 1935 contained elements of traditional Leninist rhetoric speaking of creating a "Soviet Britain," but<br />

the YCL position on youth unity against common enemies began falling in line with Popular Front theory. See John Gollan,<br />

Answer If You Dare! <strong>Youth</strong> Challenges the National Government (London: YCLGB, 1935), 14-15.<br />

74. Secretariat of the Communist Party of Great Britain, Correspondence on Merger of the Young Communist League with the<br />

Labour League of <strong>Youth</strong> (London: Internal Memo, June 24 th , 1936. (CP/CENT/CIRC/70/04), 2.<br />

75. Martin Upham, "The History of British Trotskyism to 1949: The Bolshevik-Leninists And The Militant Group," in Revolutionary<br />

History .<br />

76. Throughout the thirties the overwhelming majority of the Labour Party leadership sought an aggressive anti-communist<br />

policy, resorting to methods of mass expulsions of Labour leaders and members to hinder unity campaigns within Britain<br />

171

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