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Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf

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NOTES<br />

movement. See "The Language Branch Question," The Young Worker: Official Organ of the Young Workers League 2,<br />

no.4, (April, 1923): 12.<br />

166. John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Storming Heaven, 58.<br />

167. Quoted in Harvey Klehr, The Heyday, 5.<br />

168. Oliver Carlson attempted to follow the lead of his European comrades in seizing the Young People's Socialist League and<br />

transferring its allegiance to the Third International, capitalizing upon splits that were occurring within the Socialist Party.<br />

169. Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism (New York: Viking Press, 1963), 343.<br />

170. Tony Pecinovsky, "A History of the Young Communist League, USA Part 1: The Early Years," in YCLUSA Online<br />

.<br />

171. ECYCI, Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Bureau Session (Berlin: ECYCI, 1923),100.<br />

172. Martin Abern and Paul Stevens, "The Young Workers League is Discovered!," The Young Worker: Official Organ of the<br />

Young Workers League (November, 1922): 7.<br />

173. "YCI Observers Return," The Young Worker: Official Organ of the Young Workers League 2, no.2 (February, 1923): 11.<br />

174. Oliver Carlson, "What Means This Independence," The Young Worker (Formerly <strong>Youth</strong>) 1, no.3 (May, 1922): 17.<br />

175. Paula S. Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful: American <strong>Youth</strong> in the 1920's (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977),<br />

20-21.<br />

176. Ibid., 25.<br />

177. Thurber <strong>Lewis</strong>, "Jazzophobia," The Young Worker 2, no.4 (April, 1923):19-20.<br />

178. Harry Ganes, "Can Students Be Revolutionary," The Young Worker: Formerly <strong>Youth</strong> (May, 1922): 14. Although the<br />

YWL did not make a major impact of contemporary youth movements, their newspaper entitled The Young Worker provided<br />

an extensive "reportage of then-existing conditions" of young workers resulting in an impressive continuous fourteen-year<br />

run in circulation. See Dale Reipe, "Young Worker: Chicago and New York, 1922-1936," in The American<br />

Radical Press: 1880-1960, Vol.1 ed. Joseph R. Conlin (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1974), 244-245.<br />

179. Modern industry in the twenties began implementing the production rationalization models of Frederick Taylor, a production<br />

model also known as Taylorism. Taylorism focused on increasing the productive capacity of industrial workers and<br />

implementing new management styles that dictated all elements of the labor process. For a Marxist critique of Taylorism<br />

and its impact upon the labor process and modern capitalism see Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The<br />

Degradation Of Work In The Twentieth Century (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974).<br />

180. E. Elston "The Task Before Us," <strong>Youth</strong>: Official Organ of the Young Workers League 1, no.1 (February, 1922): 5.<br />

181. The influential Americanization ideologist Winthrop Talbot argued that during this era of growth that "even human prickly<br />

pears seem to lose their thorns, and poisonous human varieties generally become harmless." Contrasting the generational<br />

experiences of the twenties and thirties, W. Wallace Weaver reflected on the youth outlook of the twenties stating, "No<br />

generation ever approached its career with higher hopes than the one which finished high school and college during the<br />

last years of the postwar boom. Magazines and newspapers reflected the optimism and exaggerated it with special cases of<br />

astounding success. It was the era of Babson, Barton, Ford, Insull, Mitchell, and Young in business; of Coolidge, Hoover,<br />

Smith, Walker, and Mellon in politics; of "Babe" Ruth, Jack Dempsey, Bobby Jones, and Bill Tilden in sports. Anything<br />

less than a "country club" standard of living was unthinkable for the self-respecting novice. It was the golden age of prodigality,<br />

and no sport was more popular than that of explaining why it was a logical outcome of providential forethought."<br />

See Ricento, 625; W. Wallace Weaver, "Modern <strong>Youth</strong>-Retrospect and Prospect," Annals of the American Academy of Political<br />

and Social Science 194, (November, 1937): 2.<br />

182. Martin Abern, "The End of the Rope," The Young Worker: Official Organ of the Young Workers League 2, no.11 (November,<br />

1923): 5.<br />

183. Martin Abern, "Who's Red.. And Why," The Young Worker (Formerly <strong>Youth</strong>) 1,no.4 (June-July, 1922): 13.<br />

184. Shirley Waller, "History of the American Socialist <strong>Youth</strong> Movement to 1929," in Early American Marxism: A Repository<br />

of Source Material, 1864-1964 Online Archive .<br />

185. Though Green rose to leadership of the YCL prior to the Popular Front, he led the YCL throughout the 1930s as Earl<br />

Browder's most consistent supporter and advocate.<br />

186. Gil Green, "Sweet Sixteen," 4.<br />

187. Ibid., 4.<br />

188. Ibid., 4.<br />

189. Quoted in Ontanelli, 13.<br />

190. John Patrick Diggins, The Rise and Fall of the American Left (New York: W.W. Norton, 1992), 172.<br />

YOUTH AGAINST FASCISM: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE POPULAR FRONT GENERATION<br />

1. Georgi Dimitrov, The People's Front <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong> and War (London: Farleigh Press, 1937), 6.<br />

2. John Gollan, Defend the People: Report by John Gollan to the Tenth National Conference of the Young Communist<br />

League, Glasgow, Easter, 1938 (London: YCLGB, 1938), 7.<br />

3. Communists advanced a minimalist defensive program based on democratic popular unity to defeat the forces of fascism<br />

and halt the outbreak of a new world war. Highly misunderstood by many left contemporaries, the Popular Front was not<br />

just a defensive position based on limited class collaboration, but was also a long-term offensive strategy for communists<br />

and the working class. See Helen Graham and Paul Preston, "The Popular Front and the Struggle <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong>," in<br />

The Popular Front in Europe, ed. Helen Graham and Paul Preston (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987), 1-2.<br />

4. The transition to the Popular Front was not just a simple subordination of the revolutionary movement to the immediate<br />

diplomatic interests of Stalin's Soviet Union as some have contended. Many historians have contended that the Popular<br />

Front era was nothing more than a strategic posturing to Stalin's foreign policy goals, blurring many of the unorthodox<br />

anti-fascist dynamics that were already occurring in Western communist movements during the early thirties. For an example<br />

of this historical position see David Beetham, Marxists in Face of <strong>Fascism</strong>: Writings by Marxists on <strong>Fascism</strong> From<br />

the Inter-War Period (New Jersey: Barnes and Noble, 1984), 23.<br />

5. Hobsbawm, "Fifty Years," 245.<br />

161

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