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A critical appraisal of South Africa's market-based land reform policy

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Chapter 4: Background to Limpopo<br />

1995–99 were <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>of</strong> very poor quality<br />

with questionable viability. A study <strong>of</strong> <strong>land</strong><br />

<strong>reform</strong> in the then Northern Province at the<br />

end <strong>of</strong> 1998 identified serious problems<br />

with the nature <strong>of</strong> project identification,<br />

ineffective <strong>land</strong> acquisition, and inappropriate<br />

project planning (Lahiff 1998). 2<br />

By mid-1998, four years into the<br />

democratic dispensation, only three <strong>land</strong><br />

redistribution projects had been implemented<br />

in the province, a number which<br />

rose to seven by the end <strong>of</strong> 1998 (Lahiff<br />

1998). These redistribution projects were<br />

all on private <strong>land</strong> and appeared to be<br />

largely initiated by the <strong>land</strong>owners. This<br />

contributed to inappropriate project design<br />

and poor group dynamics as groups <strong>of</strong><br />

people were put together to ‘fit’ the <strong>land</strong><br />

rather than <strong>land</strong> being found to fit the<br />

needs <strong>of</strong> an existing group. The tailoring<br />

<strong>of</strong> groups to the <strong>land</strong> was done in order to<br />

combine the grants <strong>of</strong> R15 000 (later<br />

increased to R16 000) per family into a<br />

total grant amount sufficient for the purchase<br />

<strong>of</strong> the <strong>land</strong>. Unfortunately this<br />

process <strong>of</strong> combining grants was done<br />

with little consideration <strong>of</strong> other investments<br />

required for the farms to become<br />

productive.<br />

The state proved to be a very poor<br />

buyer <strong>of</strong> <strong>land</strong> with the long delays and<br />

uncertainties leading current owners who<br />

had been willing to sell to withdraw from<br />

deals. Lahiff recommended that either<br />

improvements be made to make the state a<br />

more effective agent for purchasing <strong>land</strong><br />

on the open <strong>market</strong>, or a <strong>policy</strong> shift be<br />

undertaken away from the willing sellerwilling<br />

buyer approach (Lahiff 1998). The<br />

project planning was found to be largely<br />

inappropriate, involving little consultation<br />

with beneficiaries and no consideration <strong>of</strong><br />

the current skills and experience <strong>of</strong> beneficiaries.<br />

There was also a strong emphasis<br />

on commercial farming, regardless <strong>of</strong> the<br />

interests and abilities <strong>of</strong> the beneficiaries,<br />

and no programme for building capacity<br />

amongst beneficiaries and their structures<br />

(Lahiff 1998).<br />

By the time the LRAD <strong>policy</strong> had<br />

been completed in 2001 there had been a<br />

considerable increase in SLAG delivery in<br />

terms <strong>of</strong> the numbers <strong>of</strong> hectares transferred<br />

and beneficiaries. At the beginning<br />

<strong>of</strong> this study early in 2003, DLA reported<br />

that 77 SLAG projects had been implemented<br />

for 6 753 households which gained<br />

access to a total <strong>land</strong> area <strong>of</strong> 45 110ha.<br />

However according to DLA <strong>of</strong>ficials, the<br />

organisational and production problems<br />

with the projects created remained as<br />

severe as before (interview 3).<br />

Endnotes<br />

1. For more details refer to page 25 <strong>of</strong> Part 1,<br />

Livelihoods <strong>of</strong> farm workers in <strong>South</strong> African<br />

agriculture (Department <strong>of</strong> Labour 2001).<br />

2. The name <strong>of</strong> the province changed in 2002.<br />

17

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