republic of cameroon - Impact monitoring of Forest Management in ...

REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
Peace – Work - Fatherland
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MINISTRY OF THE ENVIRONMENT
AND FORESTRY
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DFID Department for
International
Development
FOREST-ENVIRONMENT SECTORAL
PROGRAMME
STUDY OF THE SMALL-SCALE LUMBERING
SUB-SECTOR IN CAMEROON
This study was funded by DFID within the framework of the Forest-Environment
Sectoral Programme (FESP).
Opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily
represent those of the United Kingdom
January 2003
Translated version from an original French version called ‘Etude du sous-secteur sciage artisanal au
Cameroun’.

Supervisory Team DFID
* Jean-Luc Roux
* Serge Menang Evouna
Co-ordination Team FESP
* Samuel Makon Wihiong
* Timothée Fometé
Consultants AGRECO
* Dominiek Plouvier
* Richard Eba’a Atyi
* Thérèse Fouda
* René Oyono
* Robinson Djeukam
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Executive Summary
The “Small-scale lumber” or “Small-scale lumbering” sub-sector in Cameroon is
defined in this study as the production and commercialisation of lumber produced
in the forest without using logging equipment and without transporting timber logs
to processing units. It therefore refers to all wood sawn with chainsaws and mobile
saws on the felling site. The objective of this study is to present a typology of this
sub-sector that is visibly growing and to determine its opportunities and
constraints, as well as possibilities for it to develop into the formal sector.
In order to take up this task, the team of experts has worked on various fronts:
systematic census of all markets and sales depots in Yaounde and Douala, stock
evaluation, entry and exit of small-scale lumber from a wide sample of sales points
in the two cities within a given period, as well as data collection on employment
and revenues. Furthermore, information was also collected on 5 different
production sites of small-scale lumber, as well as at the level of producers and
intermediaries, in the form of individual interviews or with the officials of respective
associations and trade unions. The findings were completed with information
gathered from MINEF Delegations and Forestry Checkpoints and the Forest
Revenues Enhancement Programme (FREP).
It was realised that the main areas of production for small-scale lumber are the
Centre and South Provinces, because of nearness to available resources and
easy transport between Yaounde and Douala, main consumption areas of smallscale
lumbering. Moreover, small-scale lumber is produced in most cases out of
the permanent forest estate, in agroforestry areas. In most cases, it often concerns
the management of trees in farmlands or more recently the management of
community forests.
In the first case, exploitation in farmlands, there is an obvious problem that is
posed; that of the legality of the activity. Although the 1994 Forestry Law provides
for licenses enabling the production and commercialisation of small-scale lumber
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such as the felling permit of a maximum of 500 m3, a Ministerial Decision was
taken in 1999 suspending the attribution of these permits all over the national
territory, in order to avoid mistakes that were made then. However, this decision
pushed the majority of small-scale lumbering operators to work clandestinely and
illegally as it is the case now.
The importance of community forests in supplying local markets is growing but it is
far from being satisfactory: presently, its supply is estimated at less than 5% of the
total number of small-scale lumber. In contrast to the lack of any regulation for the
felling of trees in farmlands, the law on community forests has evolved positively
these last years.
Two main types of machines are used in this type of processing: the simple
chainsaw and the mobile saw. There are two types of mobile saws, the chainsaw
with a framework attached and the “Lukas mill” made up of circular saws and
mounted on two wheels. Chainsaws are common because they are not expensive.
However, mobile saws are increasingly adopted especially in community forests.
Chainsaws are used by small individual operators, while most of the mobile saws
belong to approved logging companies who work under contract with communities
that have a community forest.
The various markets of small-scale lumber are:
▪ On the one hand, the main urban centres of Cameroon, chiefly the cities of
Yaounde and Douala. This concerns white wood, mostly used as shuttering for
concrete work, and red wood used mainly in carpentry. It should be noted that
about 25% of the supplies to Douala pass through Yaounde first, a great part of
which comes from the Messa market. It should also be noted that local
consumption of sawn wood is partially covered by small-scale lumber and
partially by the residue of industrial sawmills. The quotas relating to small-scale
lumbering and to industrial residues are estimated respectively at 60 to 40%.
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▪ On the other hand, part of small-scale lumber goes to the north of Cameroon
and Chad. The Belabo Camrail railway station is the main departure point for
this small-scale lumber toward the north. According Camrail data, this concerns
an annual transport of between 25,000 and 30,000 m3 of sawn wood, mainly
Ayous. Out of this total, it is estimated that half comes from sawmills and the
other half from small-scale lumbering.
▪ Part of small-scale lumber is equally exported to Europe, a recent phenomenon
that is growing gradually. Small-scale lumber is taken from the production site
to workshops in urban centres where they are cut into sizes according to
specific orders. Although this phenomenon seems to be done by small- and
medium-sized Cameroonian enterprises that are not truly industrial in their set
up, some European industries also receive small-scale lumber supplies to
satisfy their orders. According to MINEF statistics at the port of Douala, 22
enterprises exported more or less than 3,700 m3 of small-scale lumber during
the 2000/2001 budgetary year. To this should be added some quantity of
small-scale lumber exported by companies such as TRC, Wijma, Bois 2000,
IBC and others (the total is estimated at 10,000 m3 of small-scale lumber).
Investigations carried out in Douala and Yaounde markets have shown that there
are 16 and 25 sales points respectively that can be considered wood markets.
Each market or sales point is made up of depots of varying sizes. More than 500
depots were counted in each city, with an average of 22 depots per market. In
Yaounde, the Messa market is by far the biggest and in Douala the biggest are the
Tractafric and Camp Yabassi markets.
Some twenty days of detailed surveys in Yaounde and ten days in Douala on the
inflow and outflow of wood on a number of markets makes it possible to estimate
the production of small-scale lumber supplied in both cities. The flow was
measured in 112 depots of small-scale lumber, out of a total of 274 depots. It
should be recognised that the flow in one market may be higher than that of other
markets. Since we concentrated on the most active markets, there should be no
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simple extrapolation on our figures to calculate the total consumption in the 2
cities. Taking different parameters into consideration, we have an annual
consumption estimate of about 80,000 m3 small-scale lumber in Yaounde and of
about 100,000 m3 in Douala.
If the 15,000 m3 of small-scale lumber transported to the North and Chad and an
estimate of 10,000 m3 of small-scale lumbering exported through the Port of
Douala is added, the total production shall stand at 205,000 m3. To this should be
added consumption in rural areas and other small and average towns. The latter is
estimated at 95,000m3. The total production of small-scale lumber thus stands at
300,000 m3 produced annually from small-scale lumbering.
The small-scale lumbering sub-sector is made up of an array of actors: on
production sites, in the markets and after the markets. There are main actors and
secondary actors. The study made it possible to identify and categorise these
actors and to make estimates of a number of jobs created by the sub-sector. Thus,
it was calculated that production and transportation, right to the roadside of 1m3 of
small-scale lumber takes two man-days.
Just for the production, processing and transportation to the roadside, it is
estimated that small-scale lumbering requires the equivalent of 3,000 permanent
jobs. To these jobs should be added others such as transportation on lorries and
commercialisation in urban areas.
The study concludes that production of small-scale lumbering for now does not
seriously threaten the quest for sustainable management of forest resources in
Cameroon. Small-scale lumbering takes place mostly in farmlands or in
community forests. Meanwhile, as soon as these forests shall be exhausted, the
sub-sector shall increase pressure on the permanent forest estate. The sub-sector
contributes in national economic life and in improving of the living conditions of
nationals, with very little impact yet on the environment.
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In rural areas, small-scale production and processing of wood enables the local
population to have ownership rights on forest resources and to manage them for
their benefits, be it in the case of community forests or trees from farmlands. The
only problem is the weak capacity of the population to negotiate with other actors
(economic operators).
The chainsaw is the as equipment mostly used in sawing wood. When sawing
wood with chainsaws, some of the raw material is wasted of which part could be
avoided by using mobile saws. However, it should also be said that the use of
chainsaws enables large branches and tree crowns to be valorised.
Recommendations of the study
Legal aspects: access rights to the resource
There is a real problem for small-scale operators who are forced to operate
clandestinely for the moment. This situation cannot last forever and it has to be
resolved by putting in place specific licenses for small-scale operators. Also, the
authors are very much aware that the reestablishment of different licenses may
provoke misuse again. This risk is not as great as it was four years ago, for most
of the FMUs have been given out. The following recommendations were
formulated:
▪ Create a specific authorisation for small-scale exploitation of which only
Cameroonians will be eligible to obtain it. Cameroonian forest operators shall
have to choose between one of the two types of authorisations (authorisation
for industrial exploitation or small-scale exploitation). Small-scale exploitation
licenses shall be reserved exclusively for holders of small-scale exploitation
authorisations. The putting in place of a specific authorisation for small-scale
lumbering shall require an amendment of the decree and this will obviously
take more time. But MINEF can start by adopting a rule of attributing timber
exploitation permits only to authorised Cameroonians according to present day
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modalities but who do not have industrial exploitation licenses (FMUs and
standing volume) nor industrial processing units.
▪ Reinstate timber exploitation permits under certain conditions. The
reinstatement of these permits shall re-establish legality in the sub-sector, for
the spirit and wordings of the 1994 Law shall be respected. In order to avoid
the development of illegal activities from these exploitation permits, the
following precautions may be envisaged:
a. Industrial exploitation has to be prohibited in the exploitation
permits
b. A proportion of ‘ventes de coupe’ provided for in MINEF planning
should be converted into licenses meant for small-scale
exploitation, in order to satisfy national demand for small-scale
lumber. These areas have to be situated as far as possible from
FMUs, and as near as possible to urban centres. This will have
the advantage of taking exploitation permitslicense into
consideration when planning.
c. Limit the other exploitation permits to the Centre and Littoral
Provinces
Increasing output and modernisation
The main modernisation approach is related to promoting the use of portable or
mobile saws instead of chainsaws that are still predominant. To this end, the main
recommendation is to support training for operators of the small-scale lumbering
sub-sector on how to use this equipment and facilitate their acquisition by these
operators. The training shall also be on aspects related to the management of the
resource and to follow up mechanisms put in place by MINEF.
Control
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Systematic follow up of small-scale lumbering licenses should be ensured through
way bills and the integration of these licenses into MINEF’s computerised system
(SIGIF). Control mechanisms shall be inspired by existing rules, and shall be
adapted to the specificity of small-scale exploitation.
Taxation in the small-scale lumbering sub-sector
Among the various actors involved in small-scale lumbering, financially the State
seems to be the greatest loser, for this activity that generates thousands of
millions of FCFA is not systematically taxed. The fact that private operators pay
“parallel” or “clandestine” taxes that are illegal shows that it is possible to bring
part of fiscal revenues into the public treasury, for this is a lucrative activity.
Presently there is some brainstorming underway in the Forest Revenues
Enhancement Programme (FREP) under the responsibility of the Department of
Taxation of the Ministry of Finance. FREP’s idea is to some how introduce a felling
tax collected mostly from timber exploitation permits that may be lucrative. The
success of such a tax is thus inherent to the reestablishment of such a license.
The taxation principle here will be close to the value added tax (VAT). Thus, sales
from timber will go to the local population but a proportion of these sales shall be
transferred to the public treasury. Each operator who is attributed an exploitation
permit shall also receive secured documents that will allow the timber to be
monitored.
Financial mechanisms
The functioning of small-scale lumber exploitation requires great financial needs,
both for small-scale operators and for community forests. It will be necessary to
put in place mechanisms for community forests to have access to loans and for
operators authorised solely for small-scale exploitation, in order to facilitate the
acquisition of equipment that will likely increase their output and reduce waste of
the resource.
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Complementary studies
This study gives a general overview of the phenomenon of small-scale lumbering
exploitation. It will be necessary to carry out an in-depth study on modalities of
attributing specific licenses for small-scale exploitation and specific taxes to be
applied.
Other aspects that deserve complementary studies are: (a) the importance of
exports of small-scale lumber and commercial exchanges with industrial loggers
and (b) the importance of small-scale production of timber from tree plantations as
practised in the West and Northwest Provinces and subsequently the Adamawa
Province.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
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Executive summary
Introduction
1. Presentation of the “small-scale lumbering” sub-sector
1.1 Legal framework
1.2 Identification of actors
1.3 Segments of the sub-sector
2. Production of small-scale lumber
2.1 Typology of access rights
2.1.1 Access to raw material
2.1.2 Obtaining the title of small-scale processor
2.2 Production and processing process
2.2.1 Production zones
2.2.2 Production techniques for sawn wood
2.2.3 Products of small-scale lumbering
2.2.4 Cutting into sizes of sawn wood for export
2.2.5 Monitoring production
2.3 identification and description of actors on production sites
3. Various markets of small-scale lumber
3.1 Consumption in rural areas and small towns
3.2 Flow toward the cities of Yaounde and Douala
3.3 Flow toward the northern part of the country
3.4 Exportation of small-scale lumber through the Port of Douala
4. Detailed study of the urban markets of Yaounde and Douala
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4.1 Sampling and survey methodology
4.2 Main findings of the survey
4.2.1 Description of urban small-scale lumber markets
4.2.2 Small-scale lumber stocks
4.2.3 Wood flow into urban markets
4.2.4 Entry of wood through Douala check points
4.2.5 Consumption estimates for small-scale lumber in
the two cities
5. Socio-economic analysis
5.1 Cost of production
5.1.1 Various types of costs
5.1.2 Estimates of costs of production
5.2 Analysis of actors
5.2.1 Motivation of actors
5.2.2 Statements
5.2.3 Types of organisations
5.2.4 Social strategies
5.2.5 Political strategies
5.2.6 Under-integrated Socio-economic area
5.3 Importance of employment and contribution in poverty alleviation
5.3.1 Impact on employment
5.3.2 Impact on incomes and poverty alleviation
5.3.3 Analysis of profitability
5.4 Funding modalities
5.4.1 Establishment and start of activities
5.4.2 Recurrent funding
6. Analysis of the legal and fiscal framework
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6.1 General suspension of small-scale lumbering licenses
6.2 Consequences of the suspension
6.2.1 At the Legal level
6.2.2 At the fiscal level
6.2.3 At institutional level
6.3 The need for new solutions to come out of the impasse
7. Conclusion: small-scale lumbering and sustainable forest management
7.1 Impact on sustainable production
7.2 Socio-economic impact
7.3 Ecological impact
7.4 Conclusions
8. Recommendations
Annexes
1. Bibliography
2. Workplan
3. Survey fact-sheets
4. Localisation of markets on maps
Boxes
1. Production of small-scale lumber by the FAM company
2. Cutting up small-scale lumber into sizes by the ETCL company
3. Village imagination haunted by wood resources
4. Competing access to the resource and revenge on the State
5. Enticing markets … many setbacks!
6. At Camp Yabassi, small-scale lumber is a family business!
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Tables
1. Small-scale lumbering products
2. Estimates of yield for wood sawn with chainsaws
3. List of wood markets counted in Yaounde and Douala
4. State of ‘small-scale lumber’ stocks at the beginning of the study
5. Distribution of depots according to volume of stocks
6. Main sources of wood sold in the Messa market
7. Entry and exit of wood (in m3) in the counted depots
8. Entry of wood into Douala (in m3)
9. Estimate of the production of small-scale lumber in Cameroon (in m3)
10. Estimate of the purchase price of a standing tree
11. Recording of prices of lumber at the Messa lumberyard (CFAF)
12. Recap of various costs
13. Evolution of expenditures to buy small-scale lumber
14. Comparison of the two methods of estimating costs of production
15. Categories of employment offered by the small-scale lumbering sub-sector
16. Evolution of sales of small-scale lumber on the various markets
17. Estimate of the total plus value of small-scale lumber in Cameroon
18. SWOT analysis of the contribution of the sub-sector to sustainable
management of forest resources in Cameroon.
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INTRODUCTION
Context
Within the framework of preparing the Forest-Environment Sectoral Programme, it
was deemed necessary to carry out a study on the ‘small-scale lumbering’ subsector
in Cameroon. Until presently, very little research had been carried out on
this phenomenon and there is thus a real lack of data on it. An in-depth study of
the sub-sector with an adequate methodology has thus been recommended.
Estimates on the importance of the “small-scale lumbering” sector (before this
study) showed that it was a sector that is well developed in Cameroon. According
to former studies, annual production of small-scale lumbering with chainsaws or
mobile saws was estimated at between 150,000 and 200,000 m3 (for close to
700,000 m3 of timber logs). This will represent between 27 to 36% of industrial
sawmill production.
The small-scale lumbering sector is a source of employment and revenues that is
not under the control of forestry administration. There is a proliferation of local
small-scale lumber markets of which the origin of the lumber is usually unknown.
The sector seems to have witnessed increased expansion since the devaluation of
the CFA Franc that forced carpenters and artisans to move toward small-scale
lumbering that is often cheaper.
The sector functions at three levels: production of sawn wood,
commercialisation/transportation and utilisation/application. The study shall try to
do research at each level in order to acquire more in-depth knowledge of the entire
sub-sector. How does the sub-sector function at the three levels and how do the
three levels interrelate
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Definition
Before getting into the details of the characteristics of the ‘small-scale lumbering’
sub-sector, it is important to define the terminology used. The term ‘small-scale
lumbering’ refers to small-scale or non industrialised production and
commercialisation of sawn wood, i.e. using chainsaws or mobile saws. In other
words, the production, sale and use of wood sawn or processed on the felling site.
It is therefore the sub-sector where no logging equipment is used nor machines to
transport the logs to processing units. It is the opposite of the “industrial lumbering”
sub-sector.
The term ‘small-scale lumbering’ is preferable to the term ‘informal lumbering or
‘informal wood’. Even though most of small-scale lumbering productions are
presently done informally or even illegally; the authors prefer not use the term, on
the one hand because of its negative connotation, but mostly because there are
quite a few informal activities going on in the industrial sawing production subsector
as well.
It is also important to mention at this stage that the ‘small-scale lumbering’ subsector
is not synonymous to the production of sawn wood meant for local
consumption. Part of ‘small-scale lumber’ is also exported. On the other hand, the
local market is also supplied with wood sawn industrially, especially nonexportable
quality and sawn wood processed from the residues of industrial
sawmills.
Objectives of the study
The objective of the study is make a typology of the ‘small-scale lumbering’ subsector
: present an analytical description of the sector and its importance for the
local economy in terms of employment and development potential both in rural and
urban areas. The study also aims to show the importance of the sub-sector and to
evaluate the possibilities of it evolving toward the formal sector.
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The following can be retained among the specific objectives:
▪ Describe and analyse intervening subsidiaries and actors as well as their
interrelations
▪ Identify the strengths and weaknesses of the small-scale lumbering sub-sector
▪ Analyse the regulatory framework and constraints in its implementation
▪ Evaluate the possibilities for the sector to evolve from the informal to the formal
sector
▪ Assess the impact on sustainable management of forest resources
▪ Analyse applied taxes and the sector’s contribution to forest revenues
▪ Evaluate the importance of employment in the sector
▪ Analyse the relationship between the sub-sector and community forestry
▪ Define how the sector is organised and funded
▪ Propose means of controlling the activity
▪ Propose means of supporting the modernisation of the small-scale lumbering
sub-sector
Methodology
The study was carried out by a team of international and national experts over a
period of 2 months. Although this period was deemed too short to collect all the
necessary data, a good part of the findings have been put together. The team was
made up of forestry experts, an economist, a sociologist and a legal expert.
The following phases were undertaken to obtain the findings:
▪ Analysis of existing documentation
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▪ Rapid interviews with small-scale lumber traders in the cities
▪ Locating all sales depots for small-scale lumber in Douala and Yaounde
▪ Systematic survey of a sample of small-scale lumber traders in Yaounde and
Douala
▪ Quest for information in various small-scale lumber production sites (access
rights, community forests)
▪ Analysis of the survey and processing of data collected
▪ Socio-economic analysis
▪ Analysis of the regulatory framework
▪ Writing of preliminary report
▪ Formulation of conclusions and recommendations
▪ Restitution session
▪ Writing of final report and inserting comments.
Some phases and activities were carried out at the same time by various members
of the team of experts. The work was done from August to October 2002. The
restitution session took place in October in the halls of Yaounde Hilton Hotel. It
was attended by more than 50 persons from MINEF, funding bodies and the
private sector.
Limits of the study
The study concentrated on systematic collection of reliable data on the
commercialisation and sale of small-scale lumber in the two main cities of the
country, i.e. Douala and Yaounde. A systematic survey of all the depots in these
two cities and in-depth investigations with a number of traders was carried out.
Although a great part of the wood sold in the depots of these cities also come from
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esidues of industrial sawmills, none of these data (volume, origin, etc.) was
collected.
The team was unable to gather information on the commercialisation of smallscale
lumbering in other towns such as Bafoussam, Bamenda, etc. It was however
realised that in the forest zone (towns like Sangmelima, Ebolowa, and Bertoua)
there are no sales depots since small-scale lumber production is directly supplied
to consumers in these towns. Some preliminary data was however collected on
the amount of flow of small-scale lumber toward the northern areas and Chad, as
well as the importance of exports of small-scale lumber through the port of Douala
.
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1. PRESENTATION OF THE ‘SMALL-SCALE LUMBERING’ SUB-SECTOR
The ‘Small-scale lumbering’ sub-sector has continued to grow throughout the last
ten years and especially after the devaluation of the CFA Franc. This growth can
be explained by two factors.
The first factor is that the general economic background of Cameroon has been
difficult, for Cameroon witnessed the most severe economic crisis of its history
since independence. This economic crisis caused the purchasing power of
Cameroonians to fall, thus making it impossible for them to be supplied timber
from industrial plants and so they resorted to ‘small-scale lumber’. Moreover, the
economic crisis caused exchange rates to deteriorate, thereby causing revenues
from agricultural and petroleum raw materials to fall. This made some
Cameroonian economic operators to turn away from the agricultural sector,
especially as concerns cash crops or export crops (cocoa, coffee, and cotton).
Parallel to this, the forestry sector was identified as a profitable sector for
Cameroonian economic operators who rushed in there both at the formal and
informal (to which small-scale lumbering belongs) levels during this period of
economic crisis.
The second factor is that, devaluation has had the desired effect for export
products such as timber. Even if international prices remained constant, export of
raw materials gave the impression at national level that the prices double. So
industrial lumber became too expensive for national consumers who had to
compete with international markets that are more lucrative. For example, if it is
considered that a cubic metre of wood species X used to cost 200 dollars or
70,000 CFAF before devaluation, after devaluation, the same cubic metre of wood
still cost 200 dollars internationally, but will correspond to 140,000 CFAF this time
at national level. Thus, national demand was more and more geared toward smallscale
lumber that is produced within the context of the national economy. Even
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industrial actors were highly incited to orient their production toward international
markets at the detriment of national markets.
Small-scale lumbering has thus grown as reflected by the legal framework of the
forestry sector, the production process, commercialisation and actors involved.
1.1 Legal framework
In Cameroon, the “small-scale lumbering” sub-sector has attracted the attention of
the legislator, especially within the framework of legal, fiscal and institutional
reforms undertaken in the forestry sector since 1994.
Thus, organisational and regulatory efforts should be highlighted on all aspects of
the sub-sector: obtaining the title of small-scale processor, access to raw material,
transportation, processing, commercialisation, domestic use, etc.
The legal provisions related to it are based mainly on:
▪ Law no. 94/01 of 20 January 1994 to lay down Forestry, Wildlife and Fisheries
Regulations, completed by Ordinance no. 99/001 of 31 August 1999. As a
fundamental text on this subject, it defines forest types (permanent, state,
council, community and individual), deals with forest inventories, exploitation
and management, defines various exploitation licenses (exploitation
agreement, standing volume (ventes de coupe), exploitation permit, personal
felling authorisation), promotion and commercialisation of timber, related
financial and fiscal provisions, as well as regulations on offences and sanctions
applicable in the sector.
▪ Decree no. 95/531/PM of 23 August 1995 to determine the conditions of
implementing forestry regulations, modified by Decree no. 2000/092/PM of 27
March 2000. This is the main implementation instrument of law no. 94/01 that
restates the provisions related to nature and biodiversity protection as well as
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forests. It is of prime importance in that it defines and specifies, among others,
the various forest exploitation licenses, conditions under which they are
acquired and exploited, conditions under which community forests or individual
forests are attributed and managed, conditions under which authorisations are
obtained and conditions under which forestry activities are exercised, various
commissions working in the sector, various access and usufruct rights,
procedures and conditions of controlling the activity, repressive mechanisms
and conditions of applying sanctions provided for by law, etc.
It is also based on several regulatory instruments of relative importance from
the stand point of formal hierarchy of legal norms (Orders, Decisions, Circulars
of the Minister in charge of Forestry), but which in the Cameroonian context,
especially in the ‘small-scale lumbering’ sector, are of particular importance
considering their impact on exploitation and commercialisation activities. These
concern particularly:
▪ Decision no. 0944/D/MINEF/DF of 30 July 1999 relating to a stop of
authorisations for salvage cutting and evacuation of timber and a stop of
individual felling permits and authorisations. It is, within the framework of this
study, an extremely serious decision taken by the Minister of the Environment
and Forestry as it suspends throughout the national territory, the attribution of
licenses and authorisations that are the legal basis for exploitation and
commercialisation activities of small-scale lumber.
▪ Circular Letter no. 677/LC/MINEF of 23 February 2001 to suspend industrial
exploitation in community forests.
▪ Decision no. 1985/D/MINEF/SG/CFC of 26 June 2002 to determine conditions
for sub-contracting exploitation within the framework of implementing simple
management plans for community forests.
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These two texts should be read as parallel since they all concern the exclusion of
industrial loggers from the sphere of community forests and to encourage smallscale
logging and processing, presumed to be more sustainable, by the
beneficiary community.
▪ Decision no. 0108/D/MINEF/CAB of 09 February 1998 relating to application of
intervention standards in the forest environment in the Republic of Cameroon;
▪ Order no. 110/A/MINEF of 21 January 1999 to lay down conditions for control
and monitoring of forestry activities.
▪ Circular Letter no. 0229/LC/MINEF of 21 January to specify the conditions of
implementing Order no. 110/A/MINEF of 21 January 1999 to lay down
modalities for control and monitoring of forestry activities.
▪ Decision no. 0221/D/MINEF/DF/SDAFF of 28 February 2000 relating to the
creation of a Central Unit to Control Forestry Activities and punishing offences
related to forestry matters.
These various texts to implement the 1994 Law and the 1995 Decree aim at
increasing the effectiveness of institutional and operational provisions for control
and sanction in the forest sector, including the small-scale lumbering sub-sector.
Here the subject, control modalities, competence and attributions of control units,
their organisation, procedures of establishing and punishing offences, etc are
specified.
There are also several provisions of the Finance Law, the General Taxation Code
and other specific instruments applicable to the ‘small-scale lumbering’ sub-sector.
They shall be presented in developments relating to taxes applicable to this sector.
1.2 Identification of actors
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The main group of actors involved in the small-scale lumbering sub-sector are:
Government actors: Particularly the Ministry of the Environment and Forestry
(MINEF) who designs government policy on forest management, implements it
and follows up its implementation. MINEF is in charge of issuing exploitation
licenses of which some have to do with small-scale lumbering (see legal
framework). Similarly, MINEF is in charge of controlling the regularity of forest
operations. Through the issuance of exploitation licenses, MINEF is illustrating the
State’s claim as owner of forests’ natural resources on the basis of modern
legislation in force. Besides MINEF, other administrations such as the Ministry of
Territorial Administration (MINAT), Ministry of the Economy and Finance (MINEFI),
especially its Taxation Department, forces of law and order (Gendarmerie and
Police), and Councils are also involved in the ‘small-scale lumbering’ sub-sector.
Apart from MINEFI and councils that are more concerned about collecting taxes
and duties relating to small-scale lumbering, the other Government actors are
more concerned with control. The role of forces of law and order and MINEF in
control seem to have been reinforced since MINEF suspended small exploitation
permits.
Local populations: Like the State, but on the basis of traditional law, they also
claim ownership of forest resources and by so doing, feel it is their right to exploit
them to satisfy subsistence needs, but also to open up access to the resources to
operators who are non members of the community, following negotiated rules at
their own level. Thus, members of village communities often sell trees to external
operators who fell, process and transport them to urban markets. Nevertheless,
the local population’s right to exploit forest resources of their land for subsistence
is recognised even by the present law through usufruct rights.
Economic operators: Contrary to the industrial sub-sector, economic operators of
small-scale lumber are small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs who operate
individually or in small-scale organisations. They include fellers/saw operators
24

working with chainsaws or portable saws, transporters of wood on human backs,
transporters with lorries, local traders, go-betweens and exporters. Contrary to
other actors, economic operators do not claim ownership of forest resources but
get access to them through varying procedures made toward the other actors.
However, it is through these operators that small-scale lumbering has grown this
much in these last years and it is now known as the first supplier of timber in the
local market.
1.3 Segments of the sub-sector
The main segments of the small-scale lumbering sub-sector are:
Production: It is related to processing and primary transport by human force. After
acquiring the right to access the resource (tree), the tree is felled and sawn on the
spot right from the base, then the sawn timber is transported by man on the head
to a place accessible by lorry.
Commercialisation in Cameroon’s main urban centres: The cities of Yaounde
and Douala are the main market points within Cameroon to which ‘small-scale
lumber’ after production are transported and marketed. In each of these cities,
there are several places where ‘small-scale lumber are exposed to be marketed.
This is not the case with small towns near the production sites. Generally, in small
towns, lumber are directly moved from the production site to the carpentry
workshop or construction site.
Supplying the northern provinces and Chad: Considering the scarcity of timber
in savannah areas, large parts of lumber are marketed in the Adamawa, North and
Far North Provinces. Belabo (East Province) is the main point of departure of
these lumber toward the north. Part of this wood continues right up to Chad.
Export of small-scale lumber via the port of Douala: a recent phenomenon that
is gradually growing big. The lumber is transported from production sites toward
25

workshops in urban centres where they are sawn according to specific orders then
exported to Europe or other African countries. Although the phenomenon is mostly
the making of Cameroonian small- and medium-sized enterprises (SME) with no
real industrial installations, some industries that have processing units are also
supplied with small-scale lumber to satisfy the foreign orders.
26

2. PRODUCTION OF SMALL-SCALE LUMBER
2.1 Typology of access rights
A distinction has to be made between access to the raw material and obtaining the
title of small-scale lumber processor.
2.1.1 Access to the raw material
Besides access rights to products that most imperatively be processed industrially
(not included in our study), the Forestry Law of 20 January 1994 in fact provides a
number of licenses for small-scale lumber processing that are sometimes required,
sometimes promoted, or sometimes made optional depending on the case. There
can be six distinct types of access of which three ((b), (c), and (e)) are presently
suspended by Ministerial Decision no. 0994/D/MINEF/DF of 30 July 1999. This
suspension poses a serious problem for small-scale lumber operators because
they are pushed into illegality.
a- Usufruct right
By virtue of this right, the surrounding population to the forest can, without prior
authorisation from the administration in charge of forestry, fell a number of trees
that correspond to their domestic needs, notably in terms of construction or
manufacturing of furniture. These populations are obliged to justify the use of the
wood derived from the trees felled during forest control. In no case whatsoever
shall they, by the provisions of laws in force, have the right to sell or exchange this
wood (Sections 8,26 Sub-section 1; 30 Sub-section 2,36 and 38 Sub-section 2 of
the 1994 Law; Article 17 para 2 and 26 of the 1995 Decree).
27

- Personal felling authorisation
It is granted by the Provincial Delegate of MINEF only to persons of Cameroonian
nationality, after the beneficiary has paid the selling price of the wood concerned.
It authorises the beneficiary to exploit for personal non lucrative use, wood
previously marked in a given state forest, of which the volume should not exceed
30 m3.
It shall, besides the three months period that should not be exceeded, clearly
indicate the area of exploitation and the number of trees per species covered by
the authorisation (Section 57 sub-section 1 of the 1994 Law; Article 94 of the 1995
Decree).
The attribution of personal felling authorisations has been suspended throughout
the national territory by Decision no. 0994/D/MINEF/DF of 30 July 1999.
c- Authorisation for salvage logging of felled trees
It does only concern logs without visible local marks stranded along the Atlantic
coast or along roadsides. This authorisation is issued by the local official of the
forestry administration to any natural person or corporate body who requests for it
(Section 73 sub-section 3 of 1994 Law; Article 113 para 1 of 1995 Decree).
Salvage logging is done after the beneficiary has paid the selling price of which the
amount is, in application with Article 113 para 2 of the 1995 Decree, fixed by
Finance Law. Authorisation for salvage logging is one of the access rights whose
attribution has been suspended throughout the national territory by MINEF’s
Decision of 30 July 1999.
d- The right of removing wood bought from the forestry administration
28

This right is recognised for any natural person or corporate body, who is in
principle holder of an authorisation to carry out logging activities. Acquiring this
wood follows a public auction sale, or, in the absence of a successful bidder, by
mutual agreement. A copy of the report drawn up after the sale by the reporter of
the local sales commission – i.e. the MINEF Delegate – and signed on the spot by
other members of the said commission is handed to the successful bidder to serve
as an ownership title for the wood bought, the latter having paid the bidding price
on the spot, with the highest rate in force (cf. Article 65 of 1995 Decree).
Such a sale can only take place for trees already felled, specifically in the following
cases:
▪ Wood exploited under a sub-contract in the state production forest (section 44
subsection 1 of the 1994 Law; Article 53 para 1 and 55 para 1 of the 1995
Decree)
▪ Wood felled and abandoned in the forest or along the road. These woods are
subject to a contract drafted in the form of a report by the local official in charge
of forestry. The sale takes place after the date limit of 30 days following a
notification to the owners to remove them with immediate effect has been
unfruitful; the wood being considered is now belonging by full right to the State
after this date limit (Articles 122 and 126 para 2 of the 1995 Decree)
▪ Wood seized within the framework of punishing fraudulent operators (Sections
144, 146 sub-section 4b and 148 of the 1994 Law).
e- Exploitation permits for small-scale processing
Any applicant for this permit shall, besides general requirements relating to the
attribution of forest exploitation licenses (notably authorisation to exploit the forest
and residence in Cameroon), have to show proof of Cameroonian nationality
(Section 58 of the 1994 Law).
29

This permit is issued by the Governor of the given jurisdiction upon advice of the
provincial technical commission. He authorises the beneficiary to exploit for
lucrative purposes wood previously marked in a given forest zone of the national
estate, of which the volume shall not exceed 500 m3. The duration of the validity
of the permit, specified in the attribution act depends on the volume of wood sold,
and should on no account exceed one year (Section 56 of the 1994 Law; Article 86
para 1,4, and 5 and Article 89 of the 1995 Decree).
By Decision no. 0994/D/MINEF/DF of 30 July 1999, the Minister in charge of
forestry suspended its attribution all over the national territory.
f- Exploitation of community forests by sub-contracting
During the drawing up of the simple management plan of a community forest, the
beneficiary village community chooses between two main forms of management
provided for by law: subcontracting with authorised forest operators and
exploitation under sub-contract. The latter is carried out by the community itself, in
a small-scale manner according to the terms of the law, notably with simple
equipment such as chainsaws, portable saws, mobile saws, etc. In any case, it
has to be done in keeping with provisions of the simple management plan of the
said forest (cf. Section 54 of the 1994 Law; Circular Letter no. 0677 of 23 February
2001 mentioned above and Article 2 of Decision no. 1985 of 26 June 2002).
According to Circular Letter no. 0677/LC/MINEF of 23 February 2001, industrial
exploitation is prohibited in community forests.
2.1.2 Obtaining the title of small-scale processor
The law provides for two categories of small-scale lumber processors. The first
concerns those who have access by right; the second bring together those who
have to seek for administrative authorisation.
30

2.1.2.1 Obtaining the title of small-scale processor by right
It is reserved for people who, by the nature of the access right to the resource, are
by right empowered to process it. These people are thus not obliged to get neither
a prior authorisation to exploit the forest, nor to produce a registration certificate as
holder of the title of small-scale lumber processor.
They include particularly:
a- beneficiaries of usufruct or customary rights: according to Section 8 (1),
this is “the right which is recognised as being that of the local population to
harvest all forest, wildlife and fisheries products freely for their personal use,
except protected species”
b- beneficiaries of personal felling authorisations: A personal felling
authorisation is, in terms of Section 57 (1) of the 1994 Law, “an authorisation
issued to a natural person to harvest wood of which the quantity should not
exceed 30 gross m3 for personal and non commercial use”. These
authorisations are granted on mutual agreement for a non-renewable period of
three month.
c- village communities who are beneficiaries of community forests who
have opted for sub-contracted exploitation in their simple management
plan: the choice of sub-contracted exploitation in fact gives the communities
concerned “the possibility of exploiting the forest themselves, for commercial
goals, and in a small-scale and sustainable manner, timber and non-timber
forest resources of the forest that have been attributed to them (Article 2 (1) of
Decision no. 1985/D/MINEF/SG/DF/CFC). Circular Letter no. 0677 of 23
February 2001 on its part specifies that “the community that opts for subcontracted
exploitation of its forest can go ahead and exploit it while respecting
31

the simple management plan of the forest, without any other authorisation from
the forestry administration”.
2.1.1.2 Access through administrative authorisation
This concerns all natural persons and corporate bodies who have the title of
processor through an administrative authorisation, notably through an
authorisation admitting them into the profession. This is notably the case with
people who wish to obtain logging permits for timber. In the application file for this
permit, there should amongst others be an application for registration to the title of
small-scale processor (Decree of 23 August 1995, Article 29 (1) h). The
registration and issuance of the related certificate fall under the prerogative of the
Department of Promotion and Processing of Forest Products of MINEF and is
determined on the basis of a file made up of:
▪ a stamped registration application
▪ a forest exploitation authorisation;
▪ an attestation of possession of processing equipment issued by the Provincial
Delegate of MINEF of the given jurisdiction;
▪ papers justifying ownership of the processing equipment
2.2 Production and processing processes
The production of small-scale lumber was studied after discussions with traders in
urban markets. These discussions made it possible to identify production zones.
This identification of production zones was consolidated by systematic
investigation on market entries and city entries with headings on the origin of the
wood (see appendix). Besides structured discussions and investigations, field trips
were undertaken to observe production activities, notably individual tree logging
points without prior administrative authorisation (considered as illegal by MINEF)
such as Nkolfon, not far from Yaounde, Ababita in Mengong Sub-Division,
32

Evindissi. Observations were also made in the community forests of COFAYET
(Bengbis), Eschiambor and Mindourou (Lomie), Ngam II (Sangmelima). Many
localities in the Dja and Lobo were also visited and trees were studied (see section
2.2.4). Box 2.1 presents the activities of the FAM company in two of these
production sites.
2.2.1 Production zones
Like industrial timber, most of small-scale lumber is produced in forested
provinces, namely the Centre, South, East, Littoral and Southwest. Even though
there are no data, the quantity of wood produced seems to depend not only on
availability of the resource but also on the distance between the production site
and main urban centres. Thus, the South (especially the Ocean, Mvila and Dja and
Lobo Divisions) and Centre (Lekie, Mbam and Kim, Haut Nyong, Mefou Akono and
Mefou Afamba Divisions) Provinces play the prime roles in the production of
‘small-scale lumber’ because of easy transport between the producer localities of
these provinces and the Yaounde and Douala urban centres.
As for the location of production sites within the main producing provinces, it is
realised that small-scale lumber is produced, in almost all the cases, out of the
permanent forest estate, in community forests (CF) and mostly in agroforestry
zones inside farmlands and in more or less old fallow lands. Thus small-scale
lumber production does not seem to put to question the area set aside by the
forestry administration for timber production, just as it does not compete with the
source of sustainable supply for industrial operators that are FMUs. For this
reason, Divisions such as the Lekie, where there is no permanent production
forest, play an important role in the production of small-scale lumber.
2.2.2 Production techniques for sawn wood
As defined earlier on, small-scale processing of logs is done on the felling site
without any use of skidders or dozers. Trees felled are sawn on the spot and the
33

product transported toward the roadside where they will later be loaded on lorries
and transported to urban centres or other commercialisation sites. Products of
these sawn wood are mostly laths, rafters and basting.
Two main types of machines are used in the processing: the simple chainsaw and
the mobile saw. There are two types of mobile saws, the chainsaw with a
framework and the “Lukas mill” made up of circular saws and mounted on two
wheels. Chainsaws are common because they are not expensive. However,
mobile saws are increasingly adopted especially in community forests. Chainsaws
are used by small individual operators while most of the mobile saws belong to
approved logging companies who work under contract with communities that have
a community forest.
Processing teams are of various sizes. Generally the teams operate with the
simple chainsaw, with one operator, an assistant and a varied number of carriers.
The chainsaw operator and his assistant fell trees and saw them, while carriers
take the sawn wood to the roadside where they can be loaded on lorries. From
interviews conducted, it was realised that during processing operations a team of
two technicians (chainsaw operator and assistant) can produce an average of 80
laths (of 5 m x 8 cm x 4 cm) per day while working on white wood such as the
Frake (Terminalia superba) or Ayous (Triplochiton sleroxylon). On the same type
of species, such a team can also produce an average of 40 shuttering planks (of 5
m x30 cm x3 cm) per day.
With species such as Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum), Bibolo (Lovoa
trichiliodes) the two-man team can produce 40 pieces of 2.2 m x 40 cm x 5 cm per
day, similarly, it can produce 80 rafters of 3 m x 8 cm x 8 cm per day. Bubinga
seems to be the most difficult to work and the team of two technicians only
produces an average of 30 pieces of 2.2 m x 40 m x 5 cm per day.
34

The use of portable saws requires larger teams, especially when using the Lukas
mill, for there is need for trackers who will open a path from one tree to the other to
enable the saw to circulate.
Box 1. Production of small-scale lumber by FAM company
FAM is a small company producing and commercialising small-scale lumber since
1985. It produces small-scale sawn wood in the Centre and South Provinces and
sell mostly in the Messa Yaounde market. Presently FAM has no mobile saw but
has eight chainsaws distributed in its production zones (five chainsaws in the
Centre and three in the South).
The company employs 18 permanent workers, made up of 15 chainsaw operators
and assistants, a technical director, a trader and the company’s director. The
technical director carries out prospecting of interesting trees in villages, negotiates
their purchase and buys them from the villagers. After that, he installs chainsaws,
supplies fuel and lubricants and follows up their maintenance. Finally he arranges
for the transportation of the logs first from the site to the roadside, and later to the
Messa Yaounde market. The chainsaw operators are in charge of felling the trees
and sawing them into logs. The trader is in charge of sales from a counter in
Messa and the General Manager is the main shareholder of the company who
supervises all the activities. The salaries of chainsaw operators and assistants are
based on the number of pieces produced monthly. Thus, a lath produced pays 150
FCFAF while a plank pays 500 CFAF. Local transportation from the felling site to
the road is done by casual workers, the majority of whom come from the village or
the area of production, but in some cases (if the site is very near to Yaounde or if
manpower is not available locally) they may be recruited in Yaounde. Transport
toward Yaounde is done by lorries hired once there are sufficient number of pieces
that make a complete load.
35

At Nkolfon, a locality situated some thirty kilometres from Yaounde, FAM exploits
species such as Eyong (Eribroma oblongum), Movingui (Distemonanthus
benthamianus) or Sapelli (Entandrophragmum cylindricum) and Abel (Canarium
schweinfurthii). Trees found on this site are usually less than 100 cm in diameter
and they grow in abandoned cocoa plantations or in fallow lands (young trees of
less than 15 years). The time used in sawing the tree varies from one to three
weeks. The sawing team here is made up of a chainsaw operator, an assistant
and three carriers all of whom are strangers to the locality, since they were
recruited in Yaounde. Here sawn woods are usually shuttering wood or laths.
Carriers are paid 50 CFAF per lath and 100 CFAF per basting.
At Ababita, FAM processes a Moabi (Baillonella toxisperma) and a Bubinga
(Guibourtia tessmannii) all of which have more than 200 cm diameters. Each tree
is processed by a two-man team (operator and assistant) and transportation from
the site to the road is done by villagers who use all their family members. Here the
lumber includes only planks of 2.2m x 40 cm x 5 cm for which transportation costs
250 CFAF a piece.
The promoters of FAM are facing the following main problems: suspension of
permits and personal felling authorisations, and difficulties of having funding. The
suspension of permits and personal felling authorisation forces the company to
work in illegality and it multiplies controls by various corps. For example, before
the suspension of permits, control was done essential by MINEF, meanwhile at the
moment, the police and gendarmerie are also even more involved. FAM would like
to replace chainsaws with mobile saws but this will have to wait for there are no
openings for loans and they are saving on profit made.
36

2.2.3 Products of small-scale lumbering
Table 1: Products of small-scale lumbering
Type of product Average dimension Common use
Lath
Length = 5m
- Framing
Width = 8 cm
- Building
Breath = 3 cm
Rafter
Length = 5m
- Framing
Width = 8 cm
- Side plank
Breath = 3 cm
- Building
- Major works
Basting
Length = 5m
- Framing
Width = 8 cm
- Side plank
Breath = 3 cm
- Building
Plank
Length = 5m
- Openings
Width = 8 cm
- Side plank
Breath = 3 cm
- Building
Frame
Length = 5m
- Openings
Width = 8 cm
- Door frame
Breath = 3 cm
- Building
Shuttering
Length = 5m
- Shuttering for concrete
Width = 8 cm
- Building
Breath = 3 cm
Board
Length = 5m
- Major works
Width = 8 cm
- Bridges
Breath = 3 cm
- House floors
37

2.2.4 Cutting small-scale lumber for export
For some years now, small-scale lumber is exported to Europe. Considering the
rather low quality of small-scale lumber, exporters have to take them to carpentry
workshops in Douala and Yaounde for perfection to meet the standards of
international markets. Carpentry workshops that work on small-scale lumber
meant for export are typically furnished with surface planers, line removers,
planers, sharpening machines, etc. In most cases, these carpentry workshops
treat both wood meant for local consumption and wood meant for export.
Companies that saw wood into sizes are mostly small- and medium-sized
enterprises (SMEs) that belong to nationals (see 2.2).
Box 2: The cutting into sizes of small-scale lumber by the ETCL company
The ETCL (Eloundou Trade Corporation Limited) company belongs to a national
investor and an authorised forest operator. ETCL is located some ten kilometres to
the north of Yaounde. Formerly, ETCL used to have an exploitation license but
presently, it has no exploitation license and it buys small-scale lumber (it has no
production team in the forest) that it exports after cutting them into sizes. However,
ETCL also cuts into sizes small-scale lumber for other exporters. ETCL supplies
its European customers with Iroko and Pachyloba exploited mostly in the Lekie
and Haute Sanaga Divisions (Centre Province).
ETCL’s workshop has eight machines including two surface planers, tone planer,
one sharpening machine, a moulding machine, etc. ETCL employs 12 permanent
workers and recruits casual labour whenever the need arises. For more than a
year, ETCL is confronted with a fall in demand of its wood from European markets
and it regrets the suspension of small permits that is making its supplies
complicated.
38

Besides national SMEs, some bigger industrial sawmills belonging to international
groups also have workshops that can cut small-scale lumber into sizes. These
enterprises have industrial carpentry workshops and are supplied small-scale
lumber by SMEs or community forests to meet up with their orders. The few
industrial companies interviewed (SFID, TRC, Wijma) seem to want to withdraw
from this collaboration for fear of being implicated in illegal activities, given that
small permits have been withdrawn. Moreover, the technological quality of smallscale
lumber seems not to be always appreciated by European importers.
2.2.5 Monitoring production
During the study, some fifteen trees were monitored in the Dja and Lobo Division,
South Province. The cutting process did not go right to the end for 5 of the 15
trees ; as such turnover of the raw material1 was calculated only on the basis of
10 trees (see table 2.1). Of the 15 trees monitored, only three were exploited by
the rightful owners within the purview of usufruct rights. The other 12 had been
bought from small-scale operators who were strangers to the local village
communities. The prices per tree varied from 7,500 CFAF (a Frake) to 50,000
CFAF (a Bubinga). There were three main types of sawn products : laths, rafters
and basting and all the work was done with chainsaws.
As seen in table 2.1, the average yield of estimated material is 29.72%, below a
32% yield estimated for simple industrial sawmills (from logs entering sawmill)
without any drier nor salvaging after (Carret et al., 2002). It should however be
noted that these are two different things: one, that is lumber of high quality for
export market; the other, small-scale lumber that is mostly for local markets, less
demanding in terms of quality and whereby it is possible to have higher yield.
__________________________
39

1 Volume of sawn products compared to volume of processed logs
Values obtained within the framework of the Community Forest Project (CFP)
(Auzel et al., 2001), 37.53% in the north of Dja and 45% in the Support Project to
Sustainable Development of Lomie (SDDL) are clearly higher. The CFP did its
trials on 18 logs abandoned by an industrial operator, it was made up of the
following species: Bibolo, Iroko (Milicia excelsa), Moabi, Sapelli (Entandrophragma
cylindricum), Kossipo (Entandrophragma candollei), Tiama (Entandrophragma
angolense), Sipo (Entandrophragma utile), Movingui (Distemonantus
benthamianus), and Padouk (Pterocarpus soyauxii). Yield per tree varies from
25.5 to 66.7%. This means that there is a great variance around the average as
reflected by the observations of this study. The great variance shows that a more
specific study, based on a sample of at least 30 trees (normal requirement of the
law) should be envisaged. Nonetheless, the difference in yield is great and can (at
least part) be explained by the fact that the CFP used the same technical team for
the 18 trees, the technicians were surely among the best chosen by the Project,
whereas in the case of the data on table 2.1, it was an observation of various saw
operators with varying technical capacity. Moreover, sawn products were not
usually diversified. Each processing team was focusing on one type of product.
Meanwhile product diversification is a factor well known to increase yield. SDDL
on its part was using a mobile saw. So the introduction of the mobile saw reduces
waste considerably.
Table 2 : Yield estimates for wood sawn with the chainsaw.
No. Species
Average
diameter
(cm)
Length
(m)
Log Volume
(m3)
Product Volume
(m3)
Turnover
(%)
1 Iroko 145 12 19.806 3.84 19.389
2 Wengué 86 12 6.967 1.536 22.047
3 Moabi 120 10 11.304 6.336 56.051
40

4 Movingui 100 10 7.850 1.92 24.459
5 Moabi 100 12 9.420 4.401 46.720
6 Bubinga 165 15 32.057 12.196 38.044
8 Fraké 105 13 11.251 1.76 15643
9 Sapelli 133,5 12 16.789 3.36 20.014
10 Movingui 105 10 8.655 1.76 20.336
11 Fraké 72,5 9 3.714 1.28 34.468
Average 29.717
2.3 Identification and description of actors on production sites
The climate of economic recession that took hold of Cameroon in the late eighties
caused severe job shortage and reduction of several other sources of income.
Under such circumstances, whole sectors of the national economy went informal
and this was followed by criss-crossing of actors, who were moving from one
sector to the other, in quest of alternatives (Karsenty, 2002). Already qualified as
‘formal’ before the economy became informal, the small-scale lumbering subsector
was made up of an array of actors. Within the purview of this study, they
were identified following three parameters: operating location, status and degree
of real influence on the stability and reproduction of the sub-sector.
The operating location, which is the main parameter, relates to centres/zones of
concentration: (i) the market; (ii) what comes before the market or production (iii)
what comes after the market or destination.
The status makes it possible to extract what can be conveniently called
‘institutional actors’ who, at one stage or another, take part in drawing up
regulations for the sub-sector (MINEF, Councils, Customs Administration and
NGOs). They are transversal actors, located all along the sub-sector.
The third parameter enables the categorisation of identified actors as ‘main actors’
and ‘secondary actors’.
41

Main actors
• Authorised operators
Many authorised forest operators are working in this sub-sector. These are mainly
national operators who do not have solid production infrastructure that can enable
them set up processing units. This infrastructure is made up of chainsaws and
mobile saws. The small-scale lumbering sub-sector has several factors that attract
these actors, such as inadequate regulations, relatively easy access to the
resource, low cost of production and the stable offer. This category of operators
are mostly of urban extraction.
• Small operators
This category of actors brings together micro-economic agents whose interest in
this sub-sector stems from two determinants: firstly, presence along the forestry
sector margins – in the background of authorised operators and forest companies
– and secondly the attraction that the forestry profession has on average
Cameroonians. With a very low capital, small operators have an infrastructure
base made up of chainsaws for most of them. These operators come both from
urban, with varied social backgrounds, and rural areas (redundant workers, retired
civil servants, unemployed graduates, etc.). The category ‘small operators’ is
characterised by great permeability and great mobility of inputs, because of the
ease with which one can become a member of this economic sub-sector.
Furthermore, it evolves alongside the category of ‘authorised forest operators’,
with whom they work depending on the circumstances and whom they are
sometimes called upon to replace.
• Village communities
42

Village communities, taken as more or less homogeneous social and economic
entities, have always taken part in the perpetuation and reproduction of the smallscale
lumbering sub-sector before the market. Together with the State, they are
the ‘rightful owners’ of sites where the resource is collected and produced. They
have always, in a self-legitimating manner, served as support to illicit and
fragmentary felling of logs for the production of lumber. This participation has
increased with the establishment of community forests, since they are the legal
owners and managers of this new type of production site.
• Lineage and family
Their participation in perpetuating and constantly reshaping the sub-sector before
the market is included in that of the ‘village communities’ actor, within a general
common objective and common approach. Their role is completely diluted in that
of the village community within the framework of the exploitation of community
forests, except where the village managing the community forest is of a single
tribe.
• NGOs/Support projects
The process of creating, establishing and managing community forests involves a
plethora of instruments and organisational, technical and procedural details.
Village communities do not have the adequate expertise and resources to attain
their goal without external support. That is why NGOs and/or projects have been
involved in this initiative right to the operation and control of modalities of
exploiting the resource, by using mobile saws, for small-scale lumber exploitation.
The SNV, in the Lomie region (East Cameroon) and the CFP in Essiengbot, in the
Messamena region (East Cameroon), are perfect illustrations of this.
• Community forest management committees
43

Community forest management committees, as complement to village
communities, are the direct interlocutors of forest operators and NGOs in the
exploitation of community forests. They establish contracts, discuss with the
actors, monitor the production operations and regulate the marketing of lumber.
This role becomes increasingly dominant when some committees act very
autonomously from the community that has mandated them (Oyono, 2002;
Etoungou, 2002).
• Regional representatives of MINEF
Generally speaking, they include Chiefs of Forestry Posts and staff of Divisional
Delegations of the Ministry of Environment and Forestry. These ‘institutional
actors’ take part in the sub-sector by monitoring the execution of the simple
management plans of community forests under exploitation and by issuing ‘road
bills’ to transporters of lumber.
Secondary actors
• Saw operators
• Carriers on the site
• Transporters
• Road controllers (Police and Gendarmerie)
44

3. VARIOUS MARKETS FOR SMALL-SCALE LUMBER
Small-scale lumber obtained from production sites follow four major channels
▪ Consumption in rural areas and in small towns
▪ Flow toward urban centres in the southern part of the country (Yaounde and
Douala)
▪ Flow toward the northern areas (northern Cameroon and Chad)
▪ Export via the port of Douala
3.1 Consumption in rural areas and in small towns
Part of the wood is consumed in rural areas. This proportion is relatively small,
given the low rate of building houses in this area. This consumption is nonetheless
satisfied by various usufruct rights, and it entails a few pillars, poles and planks.
The other part goes to various small and average towns in Cameroon. It was
impossible to examine this flow in detail during the study.
In small towns, small-scale lumber for the most part leaves the forest (production
site) to the urban consumer for his/her own needs (building, carpentry); another
part transits through secondary processing (carpentry workshop, sawmill) before
getting to the local consumer or other urban centres. This direct link between the
producer of small-scale lumber and the user is because the user is at the same
time the owner of the resource, or he/she places his/her order directly from the
owner of the raw material.
3.2 Flow toward Yaounde and Douala cities
In the case of city centres, characterised by flow of great quantity of wood,
exchange between owners and users have led to the creation of wood markets in
45

the form of official or unofficial sales points. From these markets, different
operators come and buy:
▪ Consumers for their own personal needs
▪ Carpentry workshops or secondary processors (doors, etc)
▪ Businessmen for the construction of buildings
The two main cities of Douala and Yaounde have some forty sales points
(markets) for lumber with about 700 depots or sales shelters. Some depots sell
small-scale lumber, while others sell residue from industrial lumber.
This estimate was made from data collected in Douala and Yaounde. In Douala,
statements made by technical services of the Provincial Delegation of the
Environment and Forestry for the Littoral, compared with information collected by
investigators and a fast (in-situ) field trip, made it possible to count 16 wood sales
points, of varying sizes depending on the number of actors involved and the
volume of transactions, and to identify the biggest two: Tractafric and Camp
Yabassi.
In Yaounde, a systematic counting of sales points previously identified from
taxation brigades of district councils, made it possible to estimate the number of
sales points, assimilated to wood markets, to 25. They are of various sizes and
dispersed al, over the six districts of the city. They are however more concentrated
in the Yaounde VIth District that is situated toward the eastern gateway into the
city.
It is important to note that part of the wood sold on the market comes from
residues of industrial sawmills. This part is estimated to be 40% of total lumber
consumption. The other part (60%) comes from small-scale lumbering. Residues
of industrial sawmills dominate in the Yaounde market, contrary to Douala where a
great part of the markets propose both small-scale lumber and residues from
46

sawmills. Each market is made up of sales depots or shelters of varying sizes that
can host several traders, depending on the period and intensity of wood activity
(abundance). A near systematic counting resulted in 552 depots in Yaounde, an
average of 22 depots per market.
From the opinion of persons met, and statistics on commercial transactions shall
certainly confirm it later, the Messa market is by far the biggest in Yaounde, and is
in fact the only place officially devoted to wood selling activities. It is
unquestionably the pivot between production sites of the Centre, South and East
Provinces, and other consumer city centres as well as export points.
The second biggest market in Yaounde is the Nkomo market that occupies a
strategic position at the “eastern” gateway into the city. These two markets were
selected for investigations with wood traders. The location of the wood markets of
Douala and Yaounde is represented on maps a and b of Annex 4.
Table 3 : List of wood markets counted in Douala and Yaounde
District Identified market Wood traders Small-scale lumber
traders
Yaounde I Transformateur Ngousso 40 0
Yaounde I Etoudi 12 4
Yaounde I Nkol Eton 5 0
Yaounde I Manguier 45 0
Yaounde I Elig Edzoa ancien marché 34 0
Yaounde II Parc à bois Messa 109 79
Yaounde III Rue-Rond point Damase 19 0
Yaounde III Nsimeyong II vers TTWE 2 0
Yaounde III Obobogo 3 0
Yaounde III SCDP 2 0
Yaounde IV Mvog Ada 12 1
Yaounde IV Noussi 3 0
47

Yaounde IV Nkolndongo 3 0
Yaounde IV Anguissa 5 0
Yaounde IV Mairie descente Kodengui 3 0
Yaounde IV Nkomo Carrefour 42 23
Yaounde IV Nkomo Stade Abega 24 0
Yaounde IV Ekounou 4 0
Yaounde IV Mimboman 17 0
Yaounde IV Emombo Marché 1 0
Yaounde V Essos 11 1
Yaounde V Eleveurs Mvog Ebanda 20 20
Yaounde VI Elig Effa 6 0
Yaounde VI Nkolbikok 30 0
Yaounde VI Montée du Parc 100 11
Sub-total Yaounde : 25 markets 552 139
Douala I Feu rouge Bessengue No info 15
Douala II Tractafric « 44
Douala III Axe lourd entrée carrière « 10
Douala III Axe lourd entrée billes « 10
Douala III Cité des billes « 2
Douala III Boko « 2
Douala III Bilongue I « 2
Douala III Soboum « 3
Douala III St Bruno « 2
Douala II Ndokoti CICAM « 8
Douala V Nialla « 3
Douala V Bassa PK 12 à 14 « 10
Douala V Bedi hôpital « 1
Douala V Bonamoussadi marché/R-Poulenc « 6
Douala IV Bonaberi and Mabanda « 2
Douala II Camp Yabassi « 15
Sub-total Douala : 16 markets « 135
48

TOTAL 41 markets 274
3.3 Flow toward the northern areas
Apart from flow of ‘small-scale lumber’ toward great consumption centres such as
Douala and Yaounde, small-scale lumber is also commercialised in towns in the
Grand North and Chad. Part of it is transported by road, but a greater part is
transported by railway to Ngaoundere. Considering the state of roads linking forest
provinces and the Grand North, this study is of the opinion that more than 90% of
the flow is done by rail. It is obvious that the main operator of this type of transport
is Camrail that has monopoly to exploit the railway transport network in Cameroon.
The wood is loaded a the Belabo train station and some neighbouring stations
such as Goyoum and Mbintom. This wood is expedited to Ngaoundere to supply
the Northern Cameroon and Chad markets. This is mostly sawn white wood,
mainly Ayous.
This activity is carried out like this: wood is transported by intermediaries or
forwarding agents, who are charged with constituting lots on behalf of the
customers and they go ahead and load them on wagons at Belabo. They are also
in charge of offloading in Ngaoundere. For Camrail, the customers are the
forwarding agents who pay for transportation by train to Camrail. For the moment,
there are three forwarding firms who regularly send wood by train : SOTRAB,
SONAT and Adamou.
The transport fare for Belabo to Ngaoundere is determined by unit weight, but it
oscillates between 500,000 and 750,000 CFAF per wagon. The quantity
transported in 2001 (Camrail figures) stands at about 20,000 tons. With a density
coefficient of 0.75, this gives a transport volume of 26.660 m3 of lumber for the
year 2001. The part derived from small-scale lumbering is estimated at more or
less half.
49

The source of these ‘locally sawn wood’ is by nature varied. There is on the one
hand expeditions from sawmills to big customers of the North. In this case, the
workshop issues a ‘way bill’. There are some traders who buy very small quantities
from the sawmills and the local forestry administration issues them a “special
transportation authorisation” on the basis of a purchase receipt or exit voucher. In
both cases, it has to do with wood from legal sources, but in the second case, the
system of ‘letters of secured vehicle’ is transgressed by local MINEF
representatives, probably because the way bills are reserved for industrial units
and for large quantities.
Part of these ‘locally sawn wood’ come from non-industrialised sources:
reprocessed sawmills residues and small-scale lumber from chainsaws and mobile
saws. It seems a great part of this “small-scale” wood comes from the Deng Deng
Reserve. With the complaisance of local MINEF representatives, this wood is
transported with a certificate of origin and a special transportation authorisation,
and sometimes without any papers and thus without any MINEF involvement. The
issuance of a “special transportation authorisation” is most often justified by an
auction sale, be it real or fictitious. If MINEF directives are to be followed by the
letter, such practices are prohibited, only seized and inventoried wood can be
auctioned by the provincial authority. Presently, this wood can therefore be
qualified as illegal. In fact, according to the Provincial Delegate of MINEF for the
East, these special transportation authorisations do not have any legal value, only
way bills are recognised.
Once a wagon is loaded at the Belabo train station, Camrail weighs it and issues
an expedition declaration. For the moment, Camrail statistics can only be
established on the basis of tonnage and pricing for each client/forwarding agent. In
the present context, Camrail is absolutely not capable of appreciating the legality
of this wood, the responsibility of which should rest with the forwarding agent.
Camrail does not see, nor request for copies of the way bills (or any other
document) and it will be unthinkable to do so given that a wagon (60 m3) is made
50

up of multiple small loads put together from what had been constituted in the
warehouses of the forwarding agents.
Also, there are some small individual loads at the Belabo and in almost all the train
stations of the region. This often involves small quantities that take the
“commuters”.
3.4 Exportation of small-scale lumber via the port of Douala
A relatively recent phenomenon that is gradually growing big. The small-scale
lumber is transported from production sites toward workshops in urban centres
where they are sawn according to specific orders then exported to Europe or other
African countries. Although the phenomenon is mostly the making of Cameroonian
small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) with no real industrial installations,
some industries that have processing units also resort to small-scale lumbering to
satisfy their foreign orders.
It is difficult to estimate the quantity of small-scale lumber exported because, at the
level of the port, no distinction is made between small-scale lumber and
industrially sawn wood. Nonetheless, MINEF officials at the Douala port think that
for the 2000/2001 budgetary year, 22 sawn wood exporting companies exported
only small-scale lumber given that they do not have real industrial installations.
The total volume exported by these enterprises during the said year stood at
3,641.9 m3 of lumber. This estimate is minimal, for to it should be added a certain
proportion of lumber exported by companies with industrial installations such as
IBC, COCA, Wijma, Bois 2000, of whom some acknowledged getting supplies –
even just experimentally – from producers of ‘small-scale lumber’.
In general, the big industrial exporter groups of lumber in Cameroon do not
envisage an increase in the proportion of this wood in their transaction.
Meanwhile, they may themselves adopt small-scale processing techniques to
better valorise wood residues presently abandoned in exploitation sites of the
51

FMUs, in order to satisfy specific orders. They may also choose small-scale
processors to saw and salvage some malformed timber logs that are presently
abandoned. In these two cases, lumbering with mobile saws shall be done after
logging.
52

4. DETAILED STUDY OF THE YAOUNDE AND DOUALA URBAN MARKETS
4.1 Sampling and survey methodology
The study started with a working session between the consultants and the
authorising authority (MINEF), that made it possible to agree on the terms of
reference, main guidelines and expectations. And its proper implementation was
divided into several phases.
A phase led by the consultants themselves, seconded by assistants. This
consisted firstly in identifying and localising wood markets of each of the cities by
discussing with district council workers in charge of collecting taxes from wood
dealers. It was completed by identification forms that were filled by assistants who
went across the city to confirm the effective existence of these markets on the
spot. Thereafter, the team prepared data collection forms on the markets, for the
collection of secondary and primary data in cities and production sites, and for the
collection of specific thematic information : legal aspects, funding, organisation of
the export subsidiary sub-sector, etc. (see annex for the various forms used for
data collection). This phase was punctuated by weekly harmonisation and work
planning meetings between the consultants.
A survey phase was carried out with wood traders, led by investigators under the
supervision of the National Co-ordinator of the study. A team of 10 investigators
was deployed for about two weeks, between 21 August and 9 September, to the
four selected wood markets, after prior training on data collection forms.
The choice of markets to be investigated was made in a reasoned manner, in
order to target the markets with greater small-scale lumber activity. This
concerned Tractafric and Camp Yabassi in Douala and Messa and Nkomo in
Yaounde. Once in the market, we proceeded as follows:
53

▪ Census and identification of all wood depots of the market and targeting of
small-scale lumber depots. All 112 depots occupied on the day of the counting
were systematically sampled, amongst which 35 in Douala; with half of the
depots found in the Messa market in Yaounde2. This operation lasted for a
day, and was coupled with meeting the traders at the depots.
▪ Stock evaluation for each depot. It lasted for 1 to 3 days, depending on the
volume of stocks and the availability of the owner of the stock and his
willingness to “give out” detailed and precise information. With the prior
consent of the manager of the depot, the investigators systematically counted
the piles of wood in place: laths, planks, basting, boards, everything was listed,
including the wood type and the main sources of the stock in place.
▪ Daily collection of data in each selected depot. The investigators having
allotted the selected depots in the market among themselves, they monitored
daily entry and exit operations of wood from the same depots between 22
August and 9 September, between the opening and close of the market (from 7
a.m. and 6 p.m. on the average), from Monday to Saturday. As for transaction
that took place at night or on Sundays, officially closed time of the market, the
investigators could only count on the statements of the wood depositors. Some
of them were helped out by some officials or night and Sunday watchmen.
At the end of the survey, a report was written by the investigators, made up of a
preliminary synthesis also. The various reports received were of great use in the
writing of this document. The various forms were centralised by the economist who
made a brief synthesis of the data on Excel.
______________________
2 the 112 depots of small-scale lumber selected for the study are distributed as follows: 54 Messa, 23 Nkomo,
30 Tractafric, and 6 camp Yabassi
54

There was a parallel collection of data on specific themes: funding3, study on the
organisation of producers, investigation on community forests, legal aspects,
gateways into cities, etc.
4.2 The main findings of the survey
4.2.1. Description of the markets of ‘small-scale’ lumber
The Messa lumberyard
Contrary to all other markets in Yaounde, it is characterised by the dominance of
small-scale lumber over sawmill residues: out of 109 wood depots, 79 are depots
of small-scale lumber and only 30 are depots of sawmill residues. Messa is the
most important small-scale lumber depot recognised officially in Yaounde and the
whole country.
The market is organised around a market chief who acts as the leader of an
association for the defence of the interests of depot owners and traders. In reality,
depots belong to individuals, themselves former traders or first occupants; they
either sell their places to new occupants or rent them out when they are still
around the environs. Traders rent depots depending on their activities, which for
some is irregular. A multitude of persons intervene in this market, as is the case
anyway in the others. The following sketch summarises the main actors.
______________________
3 The qualitative questionnaire on modalities of funding activities of wood traders was handed out to 14
traders at the Messa lumberyard and 13 at the Nkomo lumberyard. The traders were chosen at random,
according to their availability during the passing of the assistant charged with carrying out this qualitative
investigation. As concerns the Douala markets, it was not possible to carry out specific investigations, given
the difficulties of starting such qualitative investigation with traders. On the contrary, at the time of estimating
55

initial stocks, the investigators were more systematic on collecting information related to the history of the start
of activities and their funding.
Chief of the Messa Lumberyard
Owner of the depot
Depositor/trader
Go-between
Truck-pusher
Figure 1: Organisational set up of the Messa lumberyard
The chief of the yard is a trader like the others. He gathers all the other traders
under the National Association of Small-scale Lumber Processors and Traders of
Cameroon (ANTVBDC). He was elected by other members of the Association. He
acts as an interface and interlocutor in payment of taxes , and of defence of the
interest of the group in negotiations with the administration and partners. He also
settles disputes that may arise in the market.
Depot owners are the first occupants of the market place; they obtained these
places on the basis of their felling permits. They are obliged to pay taxes both to
the council and taxation services. They have the right to either exploit their plots
themselves or let them out. It is also possible to become an owner by buying a plot
from the first owner, for amounts ranging up to 200,000 CFAF.
At Messa, a big depot brings together 4 to 6 depositors or traders or even
operators who come to supply their wood, or sell to buyers. A small depot can host
2 to 3 depositors. The owner of the depot often becomes the trader, in case the
latter is unable to support the marketing charges. This is what made the focus to
56

e on depots rather than traders, for the latter are very mobile, whereas depot
owners are more stable. But they are sometimes less visible and hide behind
“’employees”.
The depositor is any person who uses a depot owner’s space to sell his/her wood.
He rents the space on an annual or monthly basis, or just for the time he/she
obtains a load of wood4 (the case of irregular traders, who have double activities).
Sometimes the depositor does not sell the wood him/herself but employs
somebody else to sell it.
Go-betweens (loaders/off-loaders) are intermediaries between traders (depots
owners or depositors) and clients. They are the ones who go after the clients,
negotiate prices, taking into account their profit margin. For example: the trader
fixes the price of a lath at 1,500 CFAF, the go-between negotiates the price of the
lath at 2,000 CFAF with the client. He pockets 500 CFAF. They are also the same
people who load and offload lorries.
The truck-pusher, as described by his name, is the gentleman who runs a handpushed
and two-wheeled truck around the market. He is at the service of buyers,
he transports wood bought to the loading point either onto a taxi or a vehicle.
There are also food traders around. This means that the Messa yard is always
bustling with people, more than 1,000 individuals of both sexes who are active
from one place to another.
__________________
4 Payment for the space can be paid either for the lorry load or per piece (lath, rafter, plank) or per package (a
package of 200 pieces = 1000 CFAF in the case of sawmill residues). When a 6-wheel lorry is offloaded, the
fees of the rents vary from 20,000 CFAF to 25,000 CFAF. From 15 to 30 tons one pays 30,000 CFAF.
Payment is done directly and immediately after sales
57

The Nkomo Carrefour wood market
The Nkomo wood market is dominated by sawmill residues. Out of a total of 42
depots, all sell residues from sawmills, and only half sell small-scale lumber. Here
there are the same kind of actors as in Messa: depositors, go-betweens, loaders.
The taxes are also the same. However, as concerns places in depots, as opposed
to the Messa yard, hosted on council land, here they are let out by private owners.
It is an old market that is losing grounds to the benefit of Messa, but which had
witnessed times of glory, as can be testified by some traders who have been here
for more than 10 years. Here, like in other markets of the city, “Banen” people,
known as the first to have been in the wood trade at sawmills belonging to
expatriates during the colonial days (Coron), are pioneers and thus better rooted
thanks to a network of relations that they have built as years go by.
The Tractafric wood market
The Tractafric market has 44 depots, with an average of two persons per depot.
Here the modus operandi is the same as elsewhere: parkers whose number is
estimated at 25 go to and from throughout the day in quest of any loading or
offloading to make. They also act as go-between. A 6-woman team supply cooked
food to the market. In all about 100 people are active here.
What is particular about this market is the fact that it is the only one that has
roofed depots. Stationed in between the rail lines and Tractafric, it is the subject of
a latent dispute between the traders and Camrail authorities who collect rents from
the depots.
The Camp Yabassi wood market
58

Small-scale lumbering activities in Camp Yabassi started in 1954 and are handed
down from father to son. They are of an informal and clandestine character, for
none of the forest operators has a felling permit. Besides the 6 main depot
“traders-owners” who are all Nigerians, assisted by 1 to 6 workers, this market
brings together some sixty other people: truck-pushers, resellers, go-betweens
and loaders of both Cameroonian and Nigerian origin. This market is characterised
by large stocks, and family networks that go as far back as Nigeria.
4.2.2 Stocks of small-scale lumber
Sawmill residues were not the subjects of the systematic counting. Nonetheless,
though there are more sawmill residues depots than small-scale lumber depots,
the flow of the latter (purchase and sale speed, also known as stock rotation) is
considered to be much higher (see figures later on). As stated before, the
percentage of industrial residues is estimated at +/- 40% of the total consumption
of wood in urban markets, as against 60 % for small-scale lumber.
(a) Stock estimate
At the start of this study on 21 August 2002, a stock of almost 4,000 m3 of smallscale
lumber was recorded in the four markets, i.e. an average of 35 m3 per
depot. The Camp Yabassi and Tractafric markets hold the highest average of
stocks, which certainly indicates greater circulation of stocks in Yaounde that is
functioning as a relay distributor for the other markets, including those of Douala.
Table 4: Status of stocks of ‘small-scale lumber’ at the start of the study
Market
Messa Nkomo Tractafric Yabassi All the
(23 August (21 August 02) (27 August (30 August markets
02)
02) 02)
Market Stock 1390 247 1676 582 3895
Average stock per depot 26 11 56 117 35
59

Maximum stock per depot 85 54 241 176 241
Number of depots
54 23 30 5 112
investigated
Number of depots counted 79 23 44 15 274
% of depots investigated 68 100 68 33 41
But as a whole, small depots dominate, for almost half of them have a maximum
stock of 20 m3 of wood. All the depots in Camp Yabassi are far above the general
average of stocks held per depot of small-scale lumber, i.e. 35 m3.
Table 5 : Distribution of depots as per volume of stocks
Stock volume Messa Nkomo Tractafric Yabassi Total frequency
100 m³ 0 0 6 3 9
Total 54 23 30 5 112
This stock is made up of lath (5mx8cmx3cm), shuttering wood (5mx30cmx3cm),
planks (2,2mx40cmx4cm), basting (5mx15cmx3cm), frames (2,2mx1cmx4cm) ;
they are destined to varying uses in construction and manufacturing of furniture,
and even export. The main species found here are Ayous for rafters, Padouk,
Iroko, Bubinga, Ekop, Sappeli.
At Messa, pieces ordered for exports are found here: boards of various
dimensions : 4mx30cmx3,5 ; 2,5mx20cmx6cm ; 4mx20cmx5cm. There are also
species of the first category (Iroko, Sapelli, Makore, Bubinga, Pachyloba, Doussie,
60

Bete, Bilinga, Bibolo,…) besides species that are on promotion (Fromager, Eyong,
Anguongui, Andoum, Landa, Mukulungu, …).
In Douala the main species found here include Ayous, Padouk, Atui, Ekop (« gum
stick »), Bubinga, Makoré, Bété, Bossé (« Big Live »), Bilinga, Iroko, Doussié,
Bibolo, Bidou (fake Makoré), Sipo, Moabi, Sapelli, Movingui, Tali, Ngollon, Azobé,
Fraké.
b) Source of species
Because of the informal and illegal nature of the activity of small-scale lumber
exploitation, actors are not encouraged to reveal their sources of supply and to
state the origin of the species marketed. However, it has been shown that wood
stocked and sold in Yaounde comes generally from the South Province (Ebolowa,
Sangmelima, Djoum, Mvengué, Mvangan), the Centre Province (Lekie, Mfou :
FIPCAM, Patrice bois, Nkoabang, Nsimalen, Mbalmayo, Akonolinga) and the East
Province (Dimako, Yokadouma, Lomie, Mindourou, Palisco).
Table 6 : Main sources of wood sold in the Messa market
Type of product Species Location (province, division)
Shuttering wood
Ayous,
Andoum, Frake
Centre : Lekie, Mfou, Monatele,
Obala
Products of
Bubinga
South and Mbankomo
carpentry
workshops (planks,
frames, etc.)
Iroko
Centre, South, East : Nyong
and So’o, Ngomedzap
Wengue
Mostly in the South
61

Products of
carpentry
workshops
Bibolo
Bete
Sapelli
Pachyloba
Centre : Nyong and Mfoumou,
Akonolinga, Ayos
Centre : Mbam and Kim
Centre, Mbam and Kim, Mbam
and Inoubou
Centre : Mbam and Kim
The greatest part thus comes from the Centre. Most of the timber harvesting is
done around Yaounde and it concerns white wood. This is what explains the
irregular supply of this species. As for priced species, the distance covered to
harvest them is growing farther and farther. It was noted that in the big markets
like Messa in Yaounde and Tractafric in Douala, traders specialise in specific
species. One person is known for his Bubinga and another for his Pachyloba.
There are several ways in which the depots receive supplies: the trader is himself
an operator (thus has an exploitation site in the forest, but does not accept it for
fear of being caught violating the law in force), or has links with an operator who
supplies him directly. A few have exploitation contracts with community forest, and
thus supply to other traders, or else they buy from operators on the production
site.
The Douala markets are supplied with priced timber from nearby forests (Douala
mangroves, Pouma, Nkam) and from as far away as the South-West, Centre and
even Yokadouma. A great proportion of wood from the Messa market in Yaounde
is found in the Douala markets through the Tractafric market that serves as a relay
distributor.
Like it was mentioned for Yaounde markets, none of the traders here has a forest
exploitation license, or a felling permit (in fact suspended). So in order to avoid
police and MINEF harassment, most of the supplies get into town at night.
62

4.2.3 Wood flow into urban markets
In Yaounde, the flow was measured for 19 days, from 22 August to 9 September
2002. On the contrary, in Douala because of problems that postponed the start of
the quantitative investigation with small-scale lumber traders, flow in the city was
estimated for only 10 days, from 29 August to 7 September 2002. It should be
noted that the investigations took place during the rainy season when there is a
slow down in transactions because of the poor state of roads, coupled with the
closeness of resumption of schools. Nonetheless, figures obtained give an idea of
the importance of this sector in the economy.
On the average, about the same quantity of wood that enters the market is sold
out (2.7 m3 entry against 2.5 m3 sold out), with slight differences between the
markets: in Messa and Nkomo more wood was sold out than what entered (the
difference surely came from old stocks). It was the same thing for Camp Yabassi
in Douala. On the contrary, at Tractafric the phenomenon was reversed, probably
because of the short time of observation.
Table 7: Entries and exits of wood (in m3)
Market
Number of depots
Messa
54
Nkomo
23
Tractafric
30
Yabassi
5
Total
112
Volume sold per market 2447 244 486 205 3382
Average exit/depot/day 3,7 0,6 1,8 5,7 2,5
Maximum exit/depot/day 80 27 34 25 80
Volume entered per market 2355 227 901 180 3663
Average entries/depot/day 3,6 0,6 3,4 5 2,7
Maximum entries/depot/day 89 30 86 44 89
An examination of the evolution of flow during the period shows that inflow
(purchase) and outflow (sale) of wood follow the same rate, and are sometimes
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high at the beginning of the week (see table and graphs). Wood depots
investigated in Douala (35) thus bought a total of 1,080 m3 of wood in 10 days,
and sold 691 m3; whereas in Yaounde, for 19 days, the depots investigated (77)
bought 2,583 m3 and sold 2,691 m3 of wood.
4.2.4 Inter urban flow: entries of wood through Douala check points
Four MINEF check points in Douala made it possible to estimate inflow of wood
into Douala on a period of 22 days, from 26 August to 16 September 2002. This
work initially planned in two city centres was only done in Douala, thanks to the
technical services of MINEF that have placed observation posts and wood entries
records around the four main markets: Tractafric, Camp Yabassi, Feu Rouge
Bessengue and Bonamoussadi PK 12. This enabled the recording of entries that
equalled 704 m3 of small-scale lumber. There are some differences between the
check points. In fact, it is at the level of Tractafric that the largest quantity of wood
gets in.
Table 8: Wood entries into Douala (m3)
Point of entry/measurement
Axe lourd Bonamoussadi Camp Feu Rouge
Tractafric PK 14 Yabassi Bessengue
From 26 August to 16 Sept 02 (22 days) 407
From 09 to 15 Sept 02 (7 days) 17
From 30 August to 14 Sept 02 (16 days) 162 118
Total 407 17 162 118
Average daily entries 18 2 10 7
These data show entry of 37 m3 of small-scale lumber per day, i.e. 1,110 m3 per
month. They seem to be contradictory as compared to wood entries in Douala
depots, i.e. 1,080 m3 in 10 days for a daily average of 110 m3 per day (while
being modest for Tractafric depots, the largest in size and numbers: 3.4/day* 30
depots + 0.6/day*5 depots=110 m3/day) i.e. 3,300 m3 per month at the level of the
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two markets and 35 depots. Whereas Douala has a minimum of 135 depots. It can
therefore be seen that the entries to town measured at the level of check points
were considerably underestimated; and as such they shall not be taken into
account in subsequent calculations.
Nonetheless this part of the study revealed that about a quarter of the wood found
in Douala comes from Yaounde (finding confirmed by investigations in the
markets), especially from the Messa market. This confirms the key role the Messa
lumberyard plays in supplying other markets and urban centres. This market
supplies almost exclusively the Tractafric and Camp Yabassi markets.
Another piece of information derived from this investigation at check points
concerns species. It shows that Ayous is the main species that enters Douala, and
that it comes mainly from Yaounde, and a bit from Monatele. A good part also
comes from Kopongo and Edea.
4.2.5 Estimates of small-scale lumber consumption in the two cities
An extrapolation has to be made from wood entries (table 8 above) to have entries
at the level of all traders counted in the two cities and thus estimate monthly and
annual consumption of small-scale lumber in Yaounde and Douala. For Yaounde,
the following extrapolation can be made: it is estimated that half of the depots are
similar to the average Messa depot, and the other half are similar to the average
Nkomo depot.
Daily consumption of small-scale lumber in Yaounde stands therefore at: (3.6 x
70) + (0.6x69) = 293 m3. For a month this means a consumption rate of 8,800 m.
Per year it gives 105,600 m3. From this amount should be subtracted the part that
is transported to the markets of Douala, possibly Bafoussam and other towns.
These estimates are made below.
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For Douala, it has been estimated that half of the depots of small-scale lumber are
similar to the Tractafric average of 3.4 m3 per day, meanwhile, the other half have
sales of 0.85 m3 per day (broad estimate made for a quarter of Tractafric market).
Daily consumption of small-scale lumber in Douala then stands at (3.4 x 68) +
(0.85 x 67) = 288 m3. this means a monthly consumption of 8,645 m3. Per year,
the amount stands at 103,734 m3, from which exports to Nigeria and other
countries have to be subtracted.
Given that interurban flow from Yaounde to Douala is estimated at a quarter of
Douala consumption, this will stand at 25,000 m3 per year and annual small-scale
lumber consumption in Yaounde can be estimated at 80,000 m3.
Annual production of small-scale lumber for the entire country is derived from all
the calculations made as follows: production of the two cities of Douala and
Yaounde (100,000 and 80,000 m3), flow toward the northern areas (30,000 m3
from which should be deducted half industrial residues: 15,000 m3); exports
(10,000 m3), and production used directly in rural areas and small towns (95,000
m3). This gives an annual small-scale lumber production to the tune of 300,000
m3.
Table 9 : Estimates of small-scale lumber production in Cameroon (m ³ )
City/Area
Daily
consumption
Monthly
consumption
Annual
consumption
Yaounde 293 8800 80 600
Douala 288 8645 103 734
North 15 000
Other towns and rural areas 95 000
Export 10 000
Total Production of small-scale lumber in Cameroon 304 334
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With a yield to the tune of 30%, this gives a total exploitation of almost 1 million m3
of wood each year, a net increase compared to 700,000 m3 three years ago. The
evolution of the situation can easily be anticipated in the next ten years.
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5. SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANALYSIS
5.1 Costs of production
5.1.1 Various types of costs
The costs of production are estimated at various levels of activities and included in
expenditures committed from the production site right to the final consumption in
urban areas. The various headings identified are:
(1) At the production site
Purchase of the tree on the site
Felling and sawing charges (renting of saw, fuel, and saw operator’s pay)
Transport from the felling place to the gathering point (carriers’ charges)
(2) From production site to urban market:
Transportation to urban market (renting lorry),
Escort to circumvent police, gendarmerie and MINEF harassment (because of
lack of papers);
(3) At the market:
Renting depot in the market (unsafe shelters and different losses),
Payment of taxes and duties,
Handling charges (loaders, off-loaders, truck-pushers, etc),
Intervention of MINEF agents,
Secondary processing units.
(4) Exports
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Transport charges and escort to the port of exit
Different charges at the port, etc.
The purchasing price of the products practised by traders at the market includes
the first two points, i.e. all the charges involved in getting the wood from the
production site to the sales depot in the urban market. The sales price of various
products in the urban market includes the buying of the raw material,
commercialisation and processing (the third point) charges, then a profit margin for
traders and go-betweens.
5.1.2 Estimates of costs of production
(a) 1 st method: estimates of various costs
Purchase of the tree
Since very few traders own forests, the buying of trees is common
Table 10: Estimates for the purchase of standing trees:
Species Dimensions Volume Cost of a Cost price Number Number
m*m*m m³ tree FCFA FCFA/m³ saw of
operators carriers
Bubinga 2*1.3*15 32.06 50 000 1560 1 2
Moabi 1.45*0.80*10 10.02 20 000 1995 1 2
Moabi 1.50*0.90*15 16.96 20 000 1180 2 3
Moabi 1.45*0.50*10 7.4 15 000 1990 5 7
Moabi 1.17*1.00*14 13.06 25 000 1915 2 4
Movingui 1.20*1.0*10 9.0 10 000 1053 1 3
Sapelli 1.45*1.22*12 16.91 20 000 1182 2 4
Iroko 1.80*1.50*9 19.23 15 000 780 5 7
Wengue 1.05*0.67*12 6.7 35 000 5024 1 -
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Doussie 0.75*0.45*10 2.3 40 000 14154 1 2
Bibolo 1.00*0.85*10 6.9 10 000 1473 1 1
Frake 0.80*0.65*9 3.6 7 500 1992 1 1
Frake 1.10*1.00*13 11.25 10 000 889 1 1
Dimensions are given according to the following units: large end diameter (m) *
small end diameter (m) * length of log (m). The volume is calculated on the basis
of the average diameter (large end + small end divided by 2) that was used in the
formula: Volume = pi* diameter square divided by 4* length of the log.
A square metre of fresh wood is therefore bought standing at between 780 and
14,154 CFAF, with an average of 2,000 CFAF, and since trice the quantity of fresh
wood is needed to have a cubic metre of small-scale lumber, the average cost of a
cubic metre of small-scale lumber is 6,000 CFAF.
Felling, lumbering and transportation
Felling charges generally stand at between 7,500 and 50,000 CFAF per tree, and
even 100, 000 CFAF, depending on the dimension and the species concerned.
This is comparable to the purchasing price of a standing tree, thus an average of
6,000 CFA/m3 also.
The trees are sawn on the spot, where the felling was done, then the products got
are transported to a motorable road by carriers. The cost of lumbering includes
saw operators’, carriers’ pay and fuel.
Some estimates have been made on some production sites:
Sawing laths: 150 CFAF/lath x 63 laths/m3=+/- 10,000 CFAF
Sawing planks: 250 CFAF/plank x 25 planks/m3=6,250 CFAF
Carriers 100 x 63 laths= 6,300 CFAF
Carriers 250 CFAF x 25 planks=6,250 CFAF
Fuel + oil=+/- 8,000 CFAF
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The cost of sawing and transportation to the roadside is between 20,000 CFAF
and 25,000 CFA/m3.
Production equipment
With the lack of direct data on production equipment, the wear and tear charges of
this equipment are estimated at 12,000 CFAFm3.
The total of charges for tree buying, felling, sawing/carriers and equipment give a
total of 44,000 to 49,000 CFAF/m3 on the production site. This is good as
compared to other costs estimated by the CFP (Community Forests Project) in
East Cameroon.
Transportation to the cities
This is done using lorries that cost between 100,000 to 400,000 CFAF (including
fuel). Then escort charges for forces of law and order, and entry into town charges
for MINEF agents. It is estimated that transportation of a lorry load of wood (30 to
50 m3 of wood) with military escort comes up to 400,000 CFAF (Lomie to
Yaounde)., The cost of transportation of lumber per m3 (+ entry fee into Yaounde)
varies from 8,000 CFAF to 15,000 CFAF/m3.
The production of a cubic metre of small-scale lumber and delivery at the entrance
of a market in Yaounde comes up to between 52,000 and 60,000 CFAF.
This is the wood that is bought by wood traders at depots. The purchasing price of
wood by traders depends on the type of product and species. Indicative prices
practised at the Messa wood market during the time of this investigation, during
the rainy season (roads in poor state, thus higher prices) and the imminence of
schools reopening (slow down in the activities, thus fall in demand) are presented
here below:
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Table 11: Records of prices of products at the Messa lumberyard
(August/September 2002 in CFAF).
Type of products Purchasing price Sales price
1 st choice shuttering wood 1400-1700 1800-2000
2 nd choice shuttering wood 900-1000 1300-1500
Small-scale lath 800-1000 1200-1500
Sawmill lath 1500-1800 1800-2200
Rafters 1600-1800 2000-2500
Basting 2200-2400 2500-3000
Small-scale plank 1300-1500 1700-2000
Sawmill plank 1700-2000 2400-2800
Considering that there are 63 laths (or 25 planks) per m3 of small-scale lumber,
the cost price of a m3 per trader in Yaounde stands at about 63,000 CFAF. This
shows that producers give themselves a profit margin of between 3,000 and
11,000 CFAF/m3.
Access fees to the depot
Once in the market, the following begins:
Buying of wood by the trader at the market;
Access fees to the depot: renting the space from the owner of the depot from
10,000 to 20,000 CFAF per load or per month, depending on the size of the load
and the type of renting contract; (on the average 15,000 CFAF per month * 12
months = 180,000 CFAF);
Landlord charges paid to the council: 20% of rents, i.e. 36,000 CFAF
Payment of the turnover tax to the council: 5,000 CFAF per quarter (20,000
CFAF/year) for category A (simple trader with unroofed depot); 10,000
CFAF/quarter or 40,000 CFAF/year for category B (trader with large stocks);
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Marking of pieces by MINEF agents: 100 CFAF/piece of wood; to which should be
added 20 to 30 pieces of wood “given to the chief”, about 6,300 CFAF/m3.
The total of access fees, rents and taxes stand at 256,000 CFAF (276,000 CFAF
for large depots); for a depot that buys an average of 972 m3 of wood per year
(2.7 m3 per day * 30 days* 12 months), access to the depot comes up to almost
300 CFAF/m3. Added to the marking that stands at 6,300CFAF, access charges
rise to 6,600 CFAF/m3.
A m3 of wood costs both the purchasing price and access fees to the trader, i.e.
about 70,000 CFAF. This wood is sold at an average of between 85,000 and
95,000 CFAF per cubic metre, so there is a profit margin of between 15,000 to
25,000 CFAF/m3 (now the cost of truck pushing is the responsibility of the client, it
can therefore be said that this margin goes to the trader, minus some handling
charges to load and unload lorries).
Transportation from Yaounde to Douala
Transportation from Yaounde to Douala has rates that are known by practically
everybody:
150,000 CFAF for transportation by lorry equals to 3,750 CFAF per m3 (average
lorry of 40 m3 (lorries carry between 30 to 50 m3);
180,000 CFAF for escort or the equivalent of 4,500 CFAF/m3 (the escort is in
charge of obtaining way bills from Yaounde and police check points);
75 CFAF/piece at the Divisional Delegation of MINEF of Wouri, i.e. about 150,000
CFAF (75 CFAF *50 pieces on the average per m3 on the average per lorry) i.e.
3,750 CFAF/m3;
300,000 CFAF per lorry to the Littoral Provincial Delegation of MINEF, i.e. 7,500
CFAF/m3 of wood;
the cost of transportation from Yaounde to Douala therefore stands at 780,000
CFAF per lorry or 20,000/m3.
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The cost of production and delivery of small-scale lumber brought to Douala is
thus estimated to be between 72,000 and 104,000 CFAF for wood that goes
directly from the production site in the East to Douala, and between 93,600 and
125,000 CFAF for a quarter of the volumes in Douala that transit through the
Messa market in Yaounde.
The delivery margins at Douala were not estimated in a systematic manner, but
they are thought to be greater, given that the farther you are from the production
site the higher the increase.
Table 12: Recap of various costs (CFAF/m3)
Costs heading Cost estimate Estimate bracket
On production site
Purchase of tree
Felling
Sawing
Carriers
Fuel/oils
Wear and tear of equipment
Producer’s profit margin
6000
6000
10000
6300
8000
12000
8000
6250 to 10000
3000 to 6300
10500 to 13000
4000 to 17000
Total production site 56300 40000 to 62000
Transportation to Yaounde 13000 8000 to 15000
Yaounde market
Renting of depot
Taxes and duties
Marking by MINEF Yaounde
Trader’s profit margin
185
115
6300
20000
115 to 230
15000 to 25000
Cost Yaounde market 26600 21600 to 31715
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Transportation from Yaounde to Douala
Lorry and fuel
3750
Escort
4500
MINEF provincial Delegation charges
7500
Total transportation Douala-Yaounde 15750
Douala market
Marking by MINEF Douala 3750
The renting fees for Douala depots could not be obtained
(b) 2 nd method: by expenditures recorded at the depots
Purchasing expenditures at the level of markets constitute one of the methods of
estimating production costs right from the production site. A graphic representation
of these expenditures in each of the markets investigated is presented under point
5.1.2. The figures obtained here for Yaounde do not include part of the purchases
in Messa, the biggest market in the city. Nkomo figures shall therefore be the only
basis here. Since the figures of Douala markets are more reliable, they will all be
used in the calculation.
Table 13: Evolution of expenses for the purchase of small-scale lumber
(CFAF)
Dates Douala Yaounde
22/08/02 944800
23/08/02 46000
24/08/02 608000
25/08/02 582000
26/08/02 1696500
27/08/02 3716300
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28/08/02 728000
29/08/02 10585000 1526000
30/08/02 9092500 3552500
31/08/02 6842900 401200
01/09/02 2340000
02/09/02 26061500 3082000
03/09/02 4189000 6564600
04/09/02 10965500 4265000
05/09/02 15432000 668400
06/09/02 9027500 2505000
07/09/02 3390200 441000
08/09/02 0
09/09/02 1058500
Total 97926100 32385800
Expenditures were systematically recorded at the Nkomo market (a total of
11,713,300 out of 32,385,800 CFAF); the data from this market shall therefore be
used to estimate total expenditures. With 227 m3 bought at 11,713,300 CFAF, the
m3 of wood in Yaounde is sold at 51,000 CFAF (which represents charges at the
production site and the profit margin of the owner of the wood). It can therefore be
estimated that the marketing cost and the margin that the trader keeps as his profit
are approximately 20,000 CFAF/m3.
In Douala, 1,080 m3 of wood cost 97,926,100 CFAF, which means 91,000
CFAF/m3. The difference between Douala and Yaounde for a m3 is 40,000 CFAF;
if 8,000 CFAF is subtracted for transportation, 32,000 CFAF/m3 will be left to
cover the other (more or less hidden) charges and the trader’s profit margin.
Table 14: Comparison between the two methods of estimating costs of
production
Estimation method Yaounde Douala
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1 st method per costs 52000 to 60000 72000 to 104000 direct
93600 to 125000 via
Yaounde
2 nd method per expenditures 51000 91000
The two methods give comparable results at the level of averages. But the first
method is more exhaustive, for it gives greater details at various levels of costs.
5.2 Analysis of actors
5.2.1 Motivations
In order to find out the motives behind the various actors’ interest in the subsector,
focus was placed on key entities such as village communities/families,
small operators and depositors/traders. The main motive of all these actors is to
create incomes. This is the case with small operators who go to village production
sites and community forests, which are growing in size, depending on the
villagers. It is the same for depositors/traders in the market, who, taken
individually, work each to save some money. Traders and all actors located in the
markets - with an average age of 31 for a market like that of Nkomo – say they are
managing (running away from unemployment), in a difficult economic context and
an urban life drained out by the magnitude of the 1987 to 1995 economic
recession. For village communities, financial motives are coupled with ‘political’
motives. Since the advent of freedom of speech – then its subsequent
appropriation in the rural area – coupled with the news of generalised
decentralisation of the management of Cameroon’s forests, the local populations
assert “that the time has come when the State and logging companies stop
benefiting alone on forest that they were born with, and which, more so, belongs to
them”.
Besides financial and political motives, there are symbolic motives. The forestry
profession, the wood trade sector and its profit margins are highly impressive on
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Cameroonian urban classes. A lot of symbolism of material welfare is attached to
it. Consequently, many potential and versatile operators come into it. The selective
factor governing admission into the sector from the top (availability of capital,
availability of a production and/or processing base, co-option through political and
industrial circles, adhering to regulated procedures, etc) pushes a significant set of
operators toward small-scale lumber, which is less profitable and less prestigious.
5.2.2 Statements
The statements made by actors of the sub-sector of the small-scale lumber trade
goes along with their motivations. The first point about these statements has to do
with financial benefits. This is developed by forest operators, small operators,
depositors/traders and ‘post-market’ operators. The second point is on the theme
of management and survival “in a society that is paradise for some and hell for
others”,. This is the case with ‘marginal’ actors such as go-betweens, loaders and
truck-pushers in the market. Thirdly comes statements made by actors such as
village communities, that are geared toward concerns about ‘confrontation’ with
the State and logging companies (Karsenty, 1999; Oyono, 2002, op cit.). The
fourth is focused around the aims of actors to get into the very profitable game
circles where forest revenues are manipulated.
Box 3: The thought of a villager haunted by wood resources
“Key elements of negotiations between an operator and families/lineage on a
given site are the distance between the village and the resource, the quality of the
resources (the species) and the price to be paid. As operators we have no other
recourse for transportation of wood but head-carrying. It is a limiting factor.
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Villagers are haunted by the idea of earning a living from their wood. They think,
just to paraphrase official statements, that the forest is green gold. Go to a village
and start chainsaw and abandon it in a grove. Come back after an hour; the whole
village will be there to propose trees to you. Villagers say it is better to live well at
once. The trees are generally found in old fallow lands or in farmlands or cocoa
plantations. Once the negotiations are clear, the owner of the tree gives it out to
the operator in return for money and in-kind compensation.”
Source: Jean Olinga, forest operator, Mbalmayo, 23 September 2002.
5.2.3 Types of organisation of the ‘actors’
There is a whole social organisation of actors in various segments of the smallscale
lumbering sub-sector. The study asked more questions on organisational
mechanisms in the pre-market set up and the market set up itself. At the level of
village production sites, the first variable, namely, community forests, is based on
representative social organisation, summarised by the delegation of power to a
management committee that is working with forest operators. Simple village
production puts up an organisation of actors based on common ownership
(lineage or family) of the resource and circumstantial fidelity networks created by
negotiations with forest operators and their ‘ritualisation’.
At market levels, it is noted first of all with traders and other ‘non institutional
actors, an organisation based on integration, guidance and socialisation. In a
given market, integration of inputs is done on the basis of ethnic or/and tribal
affinities. That is why there is an ethnic ‘appropriation’ of the market. For example,
‘non institutional’ actors of the small-scale lumber market of Messa (Yaounde)
belong to the Eton ethnic group. This seems to facilitate communication and
strengthens the internal organisation on the basis of more solid foundations, to
better control it, in a context where many things are said and done under the table.
Guidance and socialisation take place in the form of small material assistance and
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leaking out information on the workings of the market. The socialisation
mechanisms found include ‘njangis’ and mutual assistance groups.
5.2.4 Social strategies of operators and traders of small-scale lumber.
Because of economic benefits expected, operators of small-scale sawn wood
(approved operators and small operators) develop a set of determined social
strategies. At the level of production sites, the sub-sector is conditioned socially by
the logic of integration and reception of newcomers. By ‘corporate’ understanding,
many newcomers register themselves in the production and marketing of smallscale
lumber. Then they work toward a gradual vertical integration. Other
newcomer operators are welcomed into the sub-sector through co-opting. At the
level of the market, traders have structured a general movement found in-between
social marginalisation and the quest for a more stable socio-professional status.
Marginalisation is characterised by placing these actors within the social strata
wherein financial success is highly symbolic. By this, participation in the smallscale
lumber sub-sector is seen by all actors as a source of secure income.
5.2.5 Political strategies of the actors
Only strategies of village communities, operators of small-scale lumber, traders
and ‘institutional actors’ were studied. Since the implementation of reforms in the
forestry sector, and access to information on these developments, local
communities now have a political thinking of re-appropriating the ‘property’ (the
forest) that was seized from them by the colonial administration. In most cases,
they request a new geography of forest exploitation, with defined ‘borders’.
Negotiations and connections that these actors develop with small-scale operators
contribute to this ‘dual’ legal dynamics based on the principle that local
communities and the State are supposed to be ‘co-proprietors’ of woody
resources. On their part, unauthorised small-scale operators develop an
opportunistic strategy geared toward a maximum instrumentation of the legal void
left by the suspension of felling permits in 1998. In this regard, they have a more
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conciliating attitude toward ‘institutional’ actors, especially MINEF, “whose agents
know how to be reasonable during controls”.
Traders in small-scale lumber have not yet set up unions that would likely and
adequately analyse their socio-political concerns and confront them with the
decision-making sphere. The President of the union of wood traders in Messa
thinks that the activity is still at an embryonic and marginal stage. However, they
are gradually putting together their ideas, in a more or less informal manner, on
the lack of a legal framework within which their activity should be based. It is not
only the problem of lack of regulations that is the matter, but also the issue of
‘institutional’ actors who seem to benefit from the situation in one way or another.
Under such conditions, traders in small-scale lumber chose to stay politically
‘neutral’ while toward highlighting the lack of interest by authorities toward the subsector
and denouncing harassment encountered everyday. As concerns
‘institutional’ actors, discussions with them show that their strategy concerns
administrative and legal ‘stagnation’, that allows for “laissez-faire”.
5.2.6 An unintegrated socio-economic area that needs to be recognised
From the characterisation of actors and analysis of their strategies, it is shown that
the small-scale lumber sub-sector constitutes a marginal socio-economic area.
This marginality, induced by the precarious and unstable nature of actors, is both
institutional and structural. Strategies put in place by the actors, competitive or
adaptive depending on the case, show that the small-scale lumbering sub-sector
has symbolic, social, economic and political challenges. Its historical evolution on
the margin of so-called informal economy – qualification that has to be defined –
are explained more by the limitations of the institutional environment than the lack
of an organised structure. However, the sub-sector, besides its importance in
terms of marketable products, has tangible importance in terms of income
generating strategies both in rural and urban areas.
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Box 4: Competitive access to the resource and ‘ revenge’ on the State
Liberalisation of the forestry sector in Cameroon has led to new circumstantial
structures and new conditions of ‘ the game’. Thus, the small-scale lumbering subsector,
had recruited many actors. In the village areas, access to the resource is
becoming increasingly competitive. Thus, in Ngonebeme, a village in the Dja and
Lobo Division (South Province), young natives have dissuaded the local lineage
not to sell wood to operators coming from the cities anymore, while waiting for
them to buy chainsaws themselves with money from their sandpit. Many conflicts
between small-scale lumber producers and the local communities are thus
reported. Furthermore, the latter are talking loud about getting greater access to
the forest rent. Long relegated to the margins of the circulation and manipulation of
this rent, the local population see their participation in the small-scale lumbering
sub-sector as appropriate moves through which they can reaffirm their “historic”
rights on the resources and draw benefits presented as legitimate.
5.3 Importance of employment and contribution toward poverty alleviation
5.3.1 Impact on employment
The small-scale lumber sub-sector uses varying categories of people from the
production site to the final consumer.
(a) On the production site
Processing teams are of various sizes. Generally, teams working with simple
chainsaws are made up of a chainsaw operator, an assistant and a varying
number of carriers. The chainsaw operator and his assistant fell trees and saw
them, while carriers take the sawn wood to the roadside where they can be loaded
on lorries. From the interviews conducted, it was shown that during processing
operations a team of two technicians (chainsaw operator and assistant) can
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produce an average of 80 laths (5m x 8m x4 cm) per day when working on white
wood such as Fraké (Terminalia superba) or Ayous (Triplochiton sleroxylon). On
the same type of species, such a team can also produce an average of 40
shuttering planks (5m x30 cm x 3cm) per day. With species such as Sapelli
(Entandrophragma cylindricum), Bibolo (Lovoa trichiliodes) the team of two can
produce 40 pieces of 2.2 m x 40 cm x 5cm per day and similarly, it can produce 80
rafters of 3m x 8 cm per day. Bubinga seems to be the most difficult species to
work on and the two-man team produces only 30 pieces of 2.2 m x 40 cm x 5 cm
per day.
Sawing a cubic metre of wood would involve a chainsaw operator and his
assistant for a day, thus two man-days. Taking into consideration the 250 working
days of the year, we realise that a full-time employee produces 125 m3 of wood
per year. In order to produce 325,000 m3 of wood (country production), 2,600 fulltime
employees are required (thus 1,300 chainsaw operators and 1,300
assistants).
If it is considered that a carrier transports 1 m3 of wood a day from the production
site to the road, through the same method, it is estimated that the number of
carriers will be 1,300 per year.
For transportation from the production site to the urban market, it is estimated that
a lorry transports 50 m3 of wood, and that for the 225,000 m3 transported annually
(consumption in rural areas and small towns, with no incidence on transportation,
has been subtracted), 5,000 lorry loads shall be required. Considering that a trip
per lorry mobilises two persons (driver and aide), and that it is possible for this
team to transport two loads per week, (i.e. 81 loads per year out of 250 working
days), it is realised that 126 persons for the lorries are required, i.e. 63 drivers and
63 aides.
(b) At the wood market
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There is an average of two full-time traders per depot who buy 3.6 m3 of wood per
day, i.e. 900 m3 per year’s work (equivalent of 250 days). It is therefore estimated
that a trader is occupied with 450 m3 per year, and that for the 180,000 m3
marketed in the cities, 400 permanent traders are required.
Around each trader there is an average of two go-betweens and two loaders. It
can thus be estimated that 800 go-betweens and 800 loaders are needed per
year.
But there are other categories of jobs in these markets, especially food-sellers. It is
estimated that a food-sellers can serve 30 plates of food per day and each of the
persons employed in the market eats just a plate of food a day. So 125 full-time
food-sellers are needed.
Table 15: Categories of employment offered by the small-scale lumbering
sub-sector
Categories of employment
Number workers
Production site
Chainsaw operators
1300
Assistant chainsaw operator
1300
Carriers
1300
Drivers
63
Driver-Aides
63
Total rural employees 4206
At urban markets
Traders
400
Go-betweens
800
Truck-pushers
800
Food-traders
125
Total urban employees 2125
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Total equivalent of permanent employees 6331
It can be affirmed that the small-scale lumbering sub-sector offers a minimum
equivalent of 6,331 permanent jobs each year, which represents about 2,125
permanent jobs in urban areas and 4,206 permanent jobs in rural areas (or double
in casual employment, considering that they are usually half-a-day work). It should
also be observed that there are some impromptu job offers, notably loaders and
truck-pushers whose numbers swell when a load of wood arrives.
Without recording any specific data on the “industrial residues” (IR) sub-sector,
jobs offered can be estimated based on the fact that IR represents 40% of the
local wood market. Thus, IR should offer some 40% of urban jobs each year in the
small-scale lumbering sub-sector, i.e. almost 1,000 permanent jobs.
Should the number of secondary processing units and the whole chain of furniture
manufacturers, who come after the market, were to be counted, this figure would
increase considerably as far as urban employment is concerned.
Another extrapolation can be made concerning the number of people affected by
the small-scale lumber sub-sector: supposing that all the jobs created, except for
truck-pushers, are held by adults, family heads, the number of families affected by
this sub-sector can be estimated at 5,500 and the number of people living on the
direct fallout of the activities of this sub-sector (each family head directly maintains
10 to 15 people, and even truck-pushers assist 2 to 3 persons each) can be
estimated at a 100,000 people.
Another chain effect, indirect this time, would be the one related to supplying
traders with food, maintenance of lorries and saws, etc.
5.3.2 Impact on incomes and poverty alleviation
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All these categories of manpower receive salaries and incomes that contribute
significantly to the purchasing power and poverty alleviation.
The overall plus values is the economic indicator that gives a total of the whole
amount transferred to the various categories of jobs in the form of salaries, to
owners in the form of profit margins and to the State in the form of taxes.
This plus value shall be estimated using the yield of wood production, from which
is subtracted intermediate consumption value. Intermediary consumptions are
made up of the purchase of consumables or non human factors of production;
which are made up here mostly of transport costs like fuel, renting lorries, etc.
For sale prices on the Yaounde and Douala markets, reference shall be made to
the sales table, and estimate the selling price of a m3 from wood effectively sold
during the investigation.
Table 16: Evolution of the sales of small-scale lumber (CFAF)
Dates Douala Yaounde
22/08/02 2027400
23/08/02 5700200
24/08/02 4506500
25/08/02 0
26/08/02 12539500
27/08/02 18148700
28/08/02 13962002
29/08/02 19126600 10925700
30/08/02 8131200 6557150
31/08/02 5412400 9992150
01/09/02 3917000
02/09/02 7313200 16090050
03/09/02 12031550 13663750
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04/09/02 7699700 11163000
05/09/02 13697750 10469850
06/09/02 8363400 10460200
07/09/02 5726050 8994450
08/09/02 480000
09/09/02 1026000
Total 91418850 156706602
Just like for the calculation of expenditures at the market, it is the Nkomo market
that will be used as basis for the calculation of incomes. For the 244 m3 sold in the
market, incomes stand at 17,531,600 CFAF, meanwhile a m3 is sold at about
72,000 CFAF. For a consumption of 80,600 m3 in Yaounde, the turnover is
5,803,000,000,000 CFAF. Consumption charges are not very high here (cfr. Table
5.3.2.a) and it includes only production on the site, i.e. 1,612,000,000,000 CFAF
(12,000/m3 for tear and ware of equipment and 8,000 for fuel/lubricants = 20,000
CFAF per m3), so it can be said that the remaining 4,191,000,000,000 CFAF goes
in the form of plus value to traders, transporters, chainsaw operators, those
involved in felling, etc.
For the Douala markets and for exports (because the port is in Douala), the sales
price calculated from revenues of 91 millions CFAF collected from 691 m3 of wood
sold, stands at 132,2999 CFAF/m3. Also, for a consumption of 103,734 m3, the
turnover is 13,724,000,000,000 CFAF. If the consumables are still estimated at
2,074,000,000,000 CFAF, the rest will be 11,650,000,000,000 CFAF in the form of
plus value to the whole chain from production to supply to Douala markets.
For the northern areas (15,000 m3), as well as production consumed at local level
(95,000 m3) the sales price is estimated at the level of the production site (45,000
CFAF/m3), minus the consumables estimated at 20,000 FCFA/m3, the remainder
is 25,000 CFAF of plus value per m3, i.e. a total of 2,375,000,000,00 CFAF for
rural areas, and 375,000,000,000 CFAF for the northern areas.
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Table 17: Estimates of total plus value of small-scale lumbering in Cameroon
Place of estimate of plus
value
Sales
price
(F/ m ³ )
Small-scale
lumber
consumption
Turnover
(thousand
millions
Plus value
(thousand
millions FCFA)
(m ³ ) FCFA)
Rural areas and small 45000 95000 4,275 2,375
towns
Northern areas 45000 15000 0,675 0,375
Yaounde 72000 80600 5,803 4,191
Douala 132299 103734 13,724 11,650
Exports 132299 10000 1,323 1,165
The whole country - 305000 25,80 19,756
The total plus value is therefore estimated at almost 20 thousand millions CFAF
(with, of course an error margin). It is this plus value that is distributed to the job
categories identified. All amounts going to the State through MINEF and taxes
should be included.
5.3.3 Analysis of profitability
Mindful of estimated turnover and plus values, profits would have been high in the
small-scale lumber sub-sector, if not for harassment because of the absence of
official status for the small-scale lumber operator’s and trader’s profession. A well
thought out regulation would increase these profits for most of the actors.
Exasperated, some that go directly from production sites toward urban markets
are sometimes forced to give out their products at give away prices to the first
buyer, and go back without really recovering expenditures incurred.
Economic calculation is irregular and difficult. Those who seem to benefit are
financiers and those who go to the big markets, such as Douala. The differences
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etween profit margins are quite great between the two cities, and the following
figures effectively show that those who take wood to Douala even if not for export
come out with higher profits.
It should however be noted that fortunes vary, depending on extra charges
sometimes imposed by unscrupulous agents (state employees and forces of law
and order alike).
Box 5: Enticing profit margins … many setbacks
Trading in small-scale lumbers is a lucrative activity, and even very lucrative,
notably for those who go to Douala markets!
Take for example Victor who supplies wood to traders of Tractafric in Douala: the
cost of a load of 1,000 planks bought at the Messa market in Yaounde at 2,000
CFAF/piece stands at 2 million CFAF;
Sundry charges related to transportation and escort stand at 780,000 CFAF;
Selling it in Douala at 3,500 CFAF/piece fetches 3,500 million CFAF;
The profit thus stands at 720,000 CFAF.
It is even more interesting in that during good seasons, one can make at least two
loads per week!
Now one can understand why the infatuation for the sub-sector, but one needs to
find the initial funding! Meanwhile for this stage of the activity, considerable
funding can only come from money-lenders who get a greater share of the profit.
What a setback!
5.4 Funding modalities for the small-scale lumber sub-sector
The small-scale lumber sub-sector offers jobs that do not need special
qualifications, except for drivers and chainsaw operators who should have some
prior training. Traders are often trained on the job. There is therefore no obstacle
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to enter the trade. The main obstacle which different agents at various levels face
is funding. In fact, the activity needs preliminary investments, first funds to start,
and then recurrent liquidity.
5.4.1 Setting up and starting the activity
Most of the traders were introduced into the wood trade either by a relative or by a
friend. According to Ngombo Joseph alias OTIS, a trader in Carrefour Nkomo, the
history of wood in Cameroon is related to the ‘Banen’ people. The ‘Banens’
worked with the first white operators (CORON, etc). It is therefore an activity that is
handed down from generation to generation. This may explain why there is a high
number of these people in the sector of activity (Nkomo).
But at the Camp Yabassi market in Douala, there is another network, this is made
up of people of Nigerian extraction, who have been in the trade for several
decades.
Box 6: At Camp Yabassi, small-scale lumber is a family affair
Oliver has been a wood trader at Camp Yabassi in Douala for more than 20 years.
In order to start the business, he received part of his financial assistance from his
uncle who ceded to him his business capital, and other financial assistance from
his brother who is in Nigeria. In fact, he was first working for his uncle, and when
the latter retired, he became his own master by taking over the business capital.
He is the President of the association of wood traders in his market.
Patrick has been a trader for 23 years. He started directly in the small-scale
lumber business as an assistant trader to the brother who gave him his business
capital and helped him to establish. He gets his supplies from Messa and
Mbalmayo, for the origin guarantees the quality of the product that he is going to
sell.
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Vitus took over the running of the business after the death of his father, then he
later got financial assistance from his friends, brothers and acquaintances.
Grégroire started with financial and material assistance from his guardian;
thereafter he contracted a bank loan.
Salomon self-financed his business. He was at first a truck-pusher in the same
market, then worker (loading and offloading) and trader. He saved enough money
to invest in partnership with friends.
Apart from family links that provide funding and at the same time tips on the trade
and customers, most of present-day traders start off with self-funding from their
savings, gathered while doing something else. The strategy usually adopted
entails starting very small, very small, and gradually increase the depot.
5.4.2 Recurrent funding
In order to ensure regular supply and avoid rupture of stock, the trader has to
regularly buy small-scale lumber, often without having sold all the old stock. This
usually creates a problem of cash flow which the trader resolves using any means:
resort to proximity network (relatives, friends, etc.) for small loans, resort to
associations (“njangis”).
Funding for wood is usually borne by the trader’s personal finances (savings,
personal contribution) on the one hand, and loans contracted either from family
members, friends, or associations (ACEP-Cameroon) on the other hand. The
amounts borrowed vary from 200,000 CFAF to 1,000,000 CFAF. Interest rates
vary from 3 to 50%, but 10% for the most part. The reimbursement period goes
from one month for most to 6 months maximum. This therefore involves small
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amounts that fall within the framework of micro-finances adapted to the informal
sector and small undertakings.
Once any unforeseen problem (family or otherwise (sometimes too frequent
controls)) arises, the trader gets to the edge of disaster and is threatened with
bankruptcy. Since he has no mechanism to overcome this type of contingencies,
he digs into his capital and goes bankrupt, or he looks for something else to do
while waiting for better days to come.
Another form of funding is a contract between the operator who has timber in the
forest but has no funds, and a trader or depositor who is interested. The latter
agrees to transport the wood from the forest to the depot, sell the wood, recovers
his money and interest and leaves the rest to the operator. But sometimes, the
trader lends the money to the operator for him to remove the wood from the forest
and bring it to the market in town. In this case, the creditor follows very closely the
operations so as not to be duped.
So the wood market brings together at the same time, true wood traders,
operators and financiers; each of them trying to make the best out of the trade.
Nonetheless, it seems creditors are the greatest beneficiaries from the deal.
Thus, the need for micro-financing for small traders exist: however, it should be
coupled with a precondition of having saved money with the institution.
The problem of funding is even more crucial on the production site, for
communities that have community forests. Since they lack chainsaws to go about
the exploitation themselves, they call upon operators who do not bother about
scruples and they dupe the population. The latter think that appropriate funding
can remove them from the mercy of money-lenders, and will enhance the impact
of community forests on rural development.
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6. ANALYSIS OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK
6.1 General suspension of small-scale lumbering licenses
Suspension was introduced in 1999 to redress the sub-sector. In fact, licenses for
small-scale timber exploitation, and particularly exploitation licenses that cover up
to 500m3 and salvaging authorisations, were ways through which FMUs not
attributed were penetrated illegally.
a. The suspension act.
It is Decision no 0944/D/MINEF/DF relating to a stop in the authorisation of
salvage cutting and the evacuation of wood; and to a stop of personal felling
permits and authorisations. It is of special importance in that it stopped legal
exploitation and commercialisation of small-scale lumber, failure of which is faced
with disciplinary sanction. It is therefore important to give details of its content and
its motivations.
b. Content of the decision
As concerns the content of the decision, it is contained mainly in two articles:
• Article 1 declares the suspension of the issuance of the licenses
concerned: “attribution of new authorisations for salvage cuttings and
evacuation of wood, as well as personal felling permits and
authorisations shall be suspended through out the national territory, from
the date signature of this decision”.
• Article 2 defines regulations on measures that are particularly restrictive
and compelling to preserve existing rights, : “holders of licenses and
authorisations undergoing validation, are requested to declare the latter
to the Department of Forestry, in view of obtaining a quietus signed by
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the Minister of the Environment and Forestry”. In this case, they “shall
be authorised to go ahead with their activities normally”.
c. Motivations of the decision
As concerns motivation, the elements are found in the preamble of the Decision: it
comes as a sanction of “abuse witnessed in the attribution of authorisations for
salvage cutting and evacuation of wood, as well as personal felling permits or
authorisations”. It is also presented as a willingness “to implement Cameroon
Government policy on planning the issuance of licenses”.
An investigation into the issue enabled the following to be pointed out:
• Corruption, nepotism and favouritism practices in the attribution of these
permits and authorisations;
• Misappropriation of personal felling authorisations for commercial ends in
violation of the law;
• Surpassing the quantity of wood authorised by the exploitation license;
• Exploitation without licenses through corruption, intimidation and influence
trafficking .
The suspension by the MINEF was thus an indirect way of acknowledging that its
capacity to follow up and control these licenses is weak, and not a questioning of
the law that recognises through legal provisions of the 1994 Law, the relevance of
small-scale lumber. This Decision seems to have been finally taken under
pressure from funding bodies for the sake of sustainable management, but mostly
for the benefit of Cameroonian forests. It should be noted that at the time this
Decision was taken in 1999, most of the FMUs were not yet attributed, and non
attributed FMUs were considered as no-man’s forest. Presently, more than 70% of
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FMUs are attributed and it seems logical that besides MINEF control, the
concession holders should also oversee the FMUs attributed to them.
The existence of Decision no. 0944/D/MINEF/DF has not put an end to these
practices, on the contrary, the market for small-scale lumber has increased instead
of dwindling.
6.2 Consequences of the suspension of exploitation licenses on small-scale
lumber
These consequences can be appreciated at the strictly legal level or at the fiscal
and institutional level.
6.2.1 At legal level
The following can be pointed out:
a. The extreme weakness of the legal cover of the activities of this subsector
Only exploitation of a community forest by sub-contracting can now enable smallscale
lumber to be owned and marketed, and this cannot satisfy demand of these
products. This explains why fraud is generalised in the sub-sector that is almost
geared toward clandestine practices because of the absence of the possibility of
obtaining official exploitation licenses. That is why the legality of Decision no.
0944/D/MINEF/DF is put to question.
b. The doubtful legality of the suspension decision
Even if the competence of the Minister of the Environment and Forestry is
unquestionable with regard to forest, environment and biodiversity conservation, it
is still imperative that this competence be vested with clear legal backing and it
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should have as objective a proper application of the law and not to denature it
instead. This seems not to be the case here.
According to the 1994 Law, ministerial prerogatives relating to the suspension of
licenses concern only industrial sanctions meted out to operators caught in an
offence (Article 65 of the 1994 Law); and there is no reference that empowers
general suspension of licenses for an unlimited period.
If it is considered that this measure is internal and aimed at improving on the
running of the Ministry’s services that are competent in issuing licenses – which
seems to be the case – then it can only be temporary, with very limited duration,
and should on no occasion lead to a complete stop of activities regulated by law,
nor on the institution of new procedures that are contrary to those provided for by
law (especially the quietus signed by the Minister to validate a license issued by
the Governor on the advice of the provincial commission). Such practice will end
up paralysing through regulation (ministerial decision) rights conferred by
legislation (exploitation licenses, felling authorisations, etc), meanwhile, demand
for small-scale lumber remains very high. This action is in contradiction with the
principle of hierarchy of norms in that there is modification and denaturalisation of
the law by a subordinate regulation, in the absence of any empowering legislation.
It also goes against the principle of categorisation of norms and procedures that
would have required that the legislator affirms the stop in the issuance of these
licenses, once the measure seems not to be temporary anymore, but indefinite
since it has exceeded 3 years already.
c. Generalisation of control with doubtful efficiency
Very variable and sometimes very funny controls proliferate on sites of small-scale
timber exploitation as well as all along the transportation and marketing channels:
village check points: “owners” of the trees felled, MINEF agents of varying
positions of authority, police, gendarmerie, administrative authorities, council
agents, etc.
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The most interesting is that generalisation of control seems to have no effect on
stopping the exploitation and sale of the said wood. The various “controllers” seem
to be interested about collecting “crossing dues” of the goods.
To tell a short story from an operator of the sub-sector, who wishes the
reestablishment of the licenses, declared that “before the suspension, we had to
deal only with forestry controllers who were the only ones empowered to verify the
legality of licenses. Since the suspension, the police and gendarmerie are on our
backs and are also expecting their share of food”.
d. Legal insecurity of the sub-sector’s activities
In the absence of a legal license, the operator engages himself in clandestine
activities and cannot refuse to pay this “ransom” to avoid confiscation of the
goods. This leads to generalised corruption in the sub-sector, a correlated
increase in the cost price of small-scale lumber and the gradual institutionalisation
of a parallel tax regime for exploitation, transportation and commercialisation
activities of small-scale lumbering in Cameroon.
6.2.2 At fiscal level
The suspension of exploitation licenses gives rise to a “parallel tax system” not to
say “clandestine tax system”. Information collected from various areas of the
territory and from different actors show that the following is practised:
• Purchase of trees from owners (villagers): 7,500 to 50,000 CFAF depending on
the quality of the species and the volume of wood;
• “Crossing dues” for one forestry post: minimum of 50,00 CFAF per post (it
should be noted that forestry posts are reinforced by forces of law and order
who are better armed);
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• “Crossing dues” for police control:
♦ national police checkpoint: 3,000 to 5,000 CFAF
♦ national gendarmerie checkpoint: 10,000 CFAF
• Marking of wood by MINEF agents once they get to the market (hammer no.
0073): 10,000 CFAF commission (to cause a fewer number of wood to be
recorded than the quantity of wood marked and counted).
This parallel tax system should be added to the formal one, that was formally
collected, just to show how much fiscal pressure there is on small-scale lumbering.
This is to show the number of elements that contribute in increasing the price of
wood in the market, for the cost of crossing small-scale lumber are levied on the
consumer who thus is penalised, with the State drawing no real benefit from it.
The true beneficiaries are administrative authorities and all the array of controllers
who enrich themselves at the detriment of consumers, traders and the State.
6.2.3 At institutional level
The suspension of exploitation licenses for small-scale lumbering has greatly
contributed in disorganising the sub-sector whose structuring had already been
concretised with the creation and establishment of the National Association of
Processors, Artisans and Traders of Lumber in Cameroon (ANTAV-BDC).
It is within the framework of this association that the main complaints of operators
of the sub-sector are formally formulated. These complaints are centred around
the following points:
• Re-legalisation of their activities, subsequently followed by specific taxes;
• Restoration of exploitation licenses for small-scale lumbering
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• Clarification of procedures for the issuance of licenses and control of the
activities for greater objectivity and rationality;
• Effective sanctioning of “defaulters” and not a general suspension of licenses
as is the case at the moment.
6.3 The need for new solutions to come out of this legal and fiscal impasse
It is now important to explore new ways for legal and fiscal regulations in the subsector.
Solutions sought should in principle emanate from judicious compromise
between various concerns that, though they are all legitimate, are not devoid of
contradictions. It will entail making a difference between:
• the imperative of preserving biological diversity and the principle of sustainable
exploitation that goes with it;
• satisfying the ever increasing demand for small-scale lumber;
• the need for an increase in State revenues in order to support growth;
• the issue of structuring and controlling the “small-scale lumbering” sub-sector
that is now bugged down in the informal sector.
Recommendations on access to resources in Chapter 8 try to take these aspects
into consideration.
7. CONCLUSION: SMALL-SCALE LUMBERING AND SUSTAINABLE FOREST
MANAGEMENT
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The issue is to know if small-scale lumbering, as carried out today, is a threat to
the sustainable management of national forest resources. This issue can be
examined under three main angles:
• Impact of small-scale lumbering on sustainable forest production;
• Socio-economic impact of small-scale lumbering; and
• Ecological impact of small-scale lumbering
7.1 Impact of small-scale lumbering on sustainable forest production
The aim of ensuring sustainable forest production in a country is for the most part
based on land-use planning that makes it possible to define a permanent forest
estate (PFE), of which part will be devoted to production. After that, this PFE
should be secured, by ensuring its integrity, so as to prevent land-use forms that
require deforestation from being practised. In Cameroon, there has been an effort
toward defining the PFE through the drawing up of a land-use plan, even though
subsequent stages such as gazettement were delayed. It is the production forests
of the PFE that should provide sustainable production of timber. Apart from PFEs,
land-use planning recognises the need to allocate other lands to non-forest
activities such as agriculture and determines for these activities an agroforestry
zone.
The exploitation of small-scale lumber would have been detrimental to forest
production if it took place in the PFE. Meanwhile, during this study, and despite
poor forest control, it was observed that small-scale lumber is for the most part
produced in agroforestry zones. It entails more often the management of farmland
trees or more recently the management of community forests. Neither the
industrial operators, nor the administration see small-scale lumbering production
as a source of additional pressure on the permanent forest estate. In the case
where small-scale lumber is exploited in farmlands or fallow lands, it allows for
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wood that would have been burnt down or otherwise destroyed to be salvaged, so
as to satisfy domestic demand for timber in Cameroon. This is for example the
case in the Lekie Division where lands are intensely exploited for agricultural
needs and where a good part of the small-scale lumber sold in Messa is
produced..
In the case where small-scale lumber is produced in community forests, the
exploitation is done based on a simple management plan, which, if followed,
guarantees sustainable forest production. Similarly, the establishment of
community forests in the non permanent forest estate (NPFE) is an approach to
orient additional land toward long-term forest production.
7.2 Socio-economic impact of small-scale lumbering
Presently, small-scale lumbering constitutes the main source of supply of timber to
the local market and consequently contributes toward improving on the habitat of
nationals who cannot always afford to buy wood from industrial sawmills. For
example, laths used for frames are sold for an average price of 1,000 to 1500
CFAF per piece (5m x 8 cm x 3 cm), so a cubic metre (63 laths) of wood costs
between 63,000 and 94,000 CFAF . In industrial sawmills installed in Yaounde, the
same cubic metre of non-exportable lumber cost 120,000 to 150,000 CFAF. This
means that the average Cameroonian living in the urban areas shall have no
means of buying wood to build his house. Industrial sawmills are therefore
oriented toward exports.
Besides this contribution to improve on national habitat, small-scale lumbering is a
source of employment both in rural areas and urban markets. Cameroonian
entrepreneurs who have difficulties accessing capital to set up industrial
processing units use small-scale lumbering as a gateway into the timber
processing and commercialisation sector, both for national markets and for
exports. Presently there are many SMEs in the forestry sector thanks to smallscale
lumbering.
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In rural areas, production and small-scale processing of timber enables local
populations to make use of their rights as owners of forest resources and to
manage them for their own benefits, be it in community forests or trees from
farmlands. The problem certainly lies with the weak capacity for these populations
to negotiate with other actors (economic operators).
An important problem related to the economic activities of this sub-sector is that
the Government is losing a lot of fiscal revenues. These losses are mostly a
consequence of the MINEF initiative to suspend the issuance of official licenses
(except for community forests) and thereby pushing a great part of the sub-sector
to go illegal. Meanwhile, presently, it seems impossible to satisfy national demand
for timber without specific licenses for small-scale exploitation.
7.3 Ecological impact of small-scale lumbering
Present methods used in small-scale lumbering (processing on the felling site
followed by head carrying by men to the roadside and without any unlading
operation) have an minimal impact on the ecosystem. In industrial logging,
skidding is to have the greatest negative ecological impact (especially on the
ground). Meanwhile, this destruction does not occur during the production and
processing of small-scale lumber. This makes it a process with very low ecological
impact as compared to industrial logging.
At the moment, the problem of small-scale lumbering is mostly centred around
processing techniques where the chainsaw still predominates as the equipment
used in sawing timber. Lumbering using the chainsaw gives rise to waste of
material, part of which can be avoided by the use of mobile saws.
7.4 Conclusion on the impact of small-scale lumbering on the sustainable
management of forest resources in Cameroon
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Finally, small-scale lumber production is not yet an important threat to the
sustainable management of forest resources in Cameroon. Small-scale lumbering
takes place in farmlands or community forests. Also, the sub-sector contributes to
national economic activity with very little impact on the ecology. However, there
are problems (see 7.1) that if resolved will contribute in improving the sub-sector
with regards to sustainable management of national forest resources.
Table 18: SWOT analysis of the contribution of the sub-sector toward
sustainable management of forest resources in Cameroon
103

Strengths
• Enables the salvaging of wood in
farmlands
• Reduces pressure on production
forests of the PFE
• Satisfies national demand for
timber at a low cost
• Creates jobs
• Acts as a gateway for nationals
into the forestry trade
• Increases the purchasing power of
local populations in the
management of forest resources
Opportunities
• Introduction of mobile saws
• Increasing importance for
community forests
• Possibility of improving the legal
and institutional framework through
the FESP
• Growing interest of funding bodies
Weaknesses
• Waste of raw material during
processing
• Loss of fiscal revenues for the
State
• Difficult to be monitored by the
forestry administration
• Weak negotiation capacity of the
local populations
• Predominance of illegality
Risks
• Too much focus of public
authorities on the industrial subsector
at the detriment of smallscale
lumbering
• Increasing interest of industrial
logging companies in the
management of community forests
• Negative opinion of Government
actors about the sub-sector
• MINEF’s inability to ensure proper
follow up of the sub-sector
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8. RECOMMENDATIONS
The situation as concerns exploitation and sale of small-scale lumber in Cameroon
is very complex. The authors of this study think though that it is a real and existing
sector that needs to be recognised officially, given that it will undoubtedly continue
to grow. Mindful of the price differences between industrial and small-scale
lumber, the local market shall always receive most of its supplies from small-scale
lumbering. The government should therefore formally recognise this sector and
give it access to specific licenses and also design a tax system applicable to this
sub-sector. In agroforestry zones that are around cities, woody resources should
be reserved solely to small-scale operators.
In this sense, the recommendations of this study have been formulated around the
following guidelines:
8.1 Legal aspects: Access rights to the resource
For these aspects, knowing that it is difficult to modify laws as it requires a vote of
the National Assembly and promulgation by the President of the Republic, a
process that can take five to ten years, modification of regulatory instruments
should be given preference over modification of the law, even though the latter are
recognised in some cases as being indispensable. With this in mind, the following
have been recommended:
1. Re-establish timber exploitation licenses as soon as possible. The reestablishment
of these licenses shall re-establish legality in this sub-sector for
the spirit and wordings of the law of the 1994 law to be respected. In order to
avoid the development of illegal activities through small-scale exploitation
licenses, the following precautions could be envisaged:
(1) Industrial exploitation should be prohibited in the exploitation licenses
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(2) A part of the VC (ventes de coupe), provided for in MINEF planning,
should be converted into small-scale exploitation licenses, with the aim
of satisfying national small-scale lumber demand. The surfaces should
be as close as possible from city centres, with the advantage being that
exploitation licenses will be taken into account in planning
(3) The attribution of felling permits per volume of wood (500 m3) shall be
possible, but shall be limited to the Centre and Littoral provinces.
2. Create a specific authorisation for small-scale exploitation of which only
persons of Cameroonian nationality shall be eligible to obtain it. Forest
operators shall have to choose between one of the two types of authorisation
(authorisation for industrial exploitation or small-scale exploitation). Small-scale
exploitation licenses shall be reserved exclusively to holders of a small-scale
exploitation authorisation. Conditions and modalities for this authorisation
should be elaborated in detail.
3. Prohibit any collaboration between small-scale operators and industrial
operators in valorising exploitation permits reserved for small-scale operators.
4. Personal felling authorisations should be limited to trees found in farmlands
and new fallow lands (less than 10 years). The State may then authorise the
owners of these farmlands to sell the trees to small-scale operators, and will
therefore not receive the price.
8.2 Improvement of yield and modernisation
The main approach toward modernisation is related to promoting the use of
portable or mobile saws instead of chainsaws that still predominate. To this end,
the main recommendation is to support the training of operators of the small-scale
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lumbering sub-sector in the use of these equipment and to facilitate their
acquisition by their operators. The training should be focused on aspects related to
the management of resources and to follow up mechanisms of small-scale
exploitation put in place by MINEF.
8.3 Control
Ensure a systematic follow up of small-scale lumbering-related licenses through
“way bills” and the integration of these licenses into MINEF’s computerised system
(SIGIF). Control mechanisms shall be inspired by existing rules, and they shall be
adapted to take into account the specificity of small-scale lumbering.
Support inter-professional organisation of the sub-sector. This support shall aim,
through a participatory approach, to associate operators in the organisation and
control of the sub-sector’s activities.
8.4 Funding mechanisms
The functioning of small-scale lumber exploitation requires huge financial
resources, both for small-scale operators and for community forests. It will be
necessary to put in place a mechanism whereby community forests would have
access to loans, facilitate acquisition of equipment that will likely increase their
output and reduce wastage of the resource.
8.5 Complementary studies
This study has given a general overview of the exploitation and commercialisation
of small-scale lumbering; it will be necessary to carry out a more detailed study on
the specific licenses to be recommended and the tax system to be applied.
Similarly, it will be necessary to design complementary studies on 2 themes: (a)
importance of the export of small-scale lumber and (b) small-scale production of
107

timber as practised in the West, Northwest and subsequently the Adamawa
Provinces.
108

Annex 1 : Bibliography
Auzel Ph., Fomete, T., Owada J.C., Odi J., 2002, Première approche pour une
évaluation de l’incidence de l’exploitation forestière illégale à l’échelle nationale,
Cameroun. DfID study.
Auzel, Ph., Bekah S., Robert M.-L., 2001, Estimation des coûts de production du
bois des Forêts Communautaires à partir des résultats du sciage d’un Bossé Clair
et d’un Kossipo dans la forêt communautaire de Kompia, CFP Project, Cameroon.
Bouki, T. et Aya’a C., 2002, Situation actuelle de la foresterie communautaire
dans deux villages de l’arrondissement de Lomié (Kongo et Bosquet) :
Exploitation, Gestion des revenus et conservation, CIFOR Report, Cameroon.
Brown, D., 1999, Principles and Practice of Forest Co-management : Evidence
from West-Central Africa, European Union Tropical Forestry Paper 2.
Dechambre G., Hiol Hiol F., 2000, Etudes sur les technologies de contrôle, CTS
study within the framework of the WB Project Cameroon.
Durrieu de Madron L., Ngaha J., 2000, Revue technique des concessions
forestières, CTS study within the framework of the WB Project Cameroon.
Etoungou, P., 2002, L’impensé des communautaires : décentralisation à l’Est,
Working Paper submitted to the World Resource Institute, Washington, D.C.
Faure, J.J., Njampiep, J., 2000, Etude sur le secteur forestier informel au
Cameroun. Study within the framework of the WB-CTS-MINEFI Project.
Ghana Forest Service, 1998, Manual of Procedures Forest Resources
Management Planning in the HFZ, Section F : Controlled Timber Production Off
Reserve
109

Karsenty, A., 2000, Audit économique et financier du secteur forestier au
Cameroun, CTS study within the framework of the WB Project Cameroon.
Karsenty, A., 2002, « Gouvernance » et forêts tropicales : l’exemple du Cameroun.
Article published in the Review ‘Informations et Commentaires’, Grenoble.
Karsenty, A. 1999, Vers la fin de l’Etat forestier Appropriation des espaces et
partage de la rente forestière au Cameroun, Politique Africaine 75.
Oyono, P.R., 2002, Infrastruture organisationnelle de la gestion décentralisée des
forêts au Cameroun. Eléménts de sociologie des ressources naturelles pour la
théorie sociale et les politiques publiques, Working Paper submitted to the World
Resource Institute, Washington D.C.
Wiggins, S., Marfo, K., Anchirinah V., 2002, Protecting the forest or the people
Environmental policies and livelihoods in the forest margins of southern Ghana
110

Annex 2 : Workplan of the study
Period
Activities
12 – 13 August Rapid evaluation of small-scale lumber markets in
Douala and Yaounde – Consultation meeting between
the team of experts and FESP and DFID officials
14 – 15 August Internal discussions of the team to finalise the
methodology
16 August Workshop to launch the study
19 August Internal meeting of the National team – recruitment of
investigators in Yaounde
20 August Launching of investigations in Yaounde, presentation of
the research methodology to the investigators and
introduction to the Yaounde markets.
20-24 August Census and locating all the markets in Yaounde –
Recruitment of investigators in Douala – Launching of
investigations in Douala –Presentation of the research
methodology to the investigators and introduction to the
Douala markets
22 August - 10 September Data collection in the Messa and Nkomo markets in
Yaounde
25 August -10 September Data collection in the Tractafric and Camp Yabassi
markets in Douala
29 – 31 August Visit to the GICAN II community forest and small-scale
timber operators around the vicinity – visit to the Port of
Douala
31 August – 12 Monitoring of logging in the vicinity of Sangmelima
September
02 – 06 September Investigations on funding mechanisms in Yaounde – visit
to some small-scale exploitation sites around Dimako
9 – 14 September Visit to some sites around Lomie, Cofayet, Nkolfon and
Ababita
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16 – 20 September Collection of investigator’s reports, meeting with industrial
loggers
23 – 28 September Meeting with SMEs, exporters of small-scale lumber –
examination of data collected in the field
30 September - 5 October Preliminary analysis of data collected in the field
7 – 12 October Drafting of individual reports
11 October Restitution session at Hilton – Yaounde
12-18 October Finalisation of the report
112

Annex 3. Investigation fact-sheet for the study on Small-scale Lumbering
Fact-sheet on census of sales points
1- City:……….…………………………………………………………………………
2- District:……………………………………………………………………...
3- Sales point:………………………………………………………………………..
4- Opening time of the market:……..………………………………………………….
5- Number of small-scale lumber
traders :………………………………………………..
6- Number of traders in sawmill residues :………………………………………..…
7- Number mixed traders :………………………………………………………..
8- Total number of traders :…………………………………..………………………..
9- Number regular traders :……………………………………………………….
10- Type of dominant product:
a- Small-scale lumber, b- Sawmill residues, c- Both : …………………..
11- Are there associations or groupings of traders in the market 0-No ; 1-Yes
……
12- Which………………………………………………………………...………………..
……………………………………………………………………………………………
13- What is their role……...…………………………………………………………….
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………….
14- Is there a leader at the market 0-No ; 1-Yes
……………………………………….
15- How is he chosen…………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
16- What is his role ………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
17- (Defend the interests of traders, what kind of interests) ……………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………
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STUDY ON SMALL-SCALE LUMBERING
SURVEY IN LOCAL WOOD MARKETS OF DOUALA AND YAOUNDE
DATE MARKET TRADER
Number workers
Machines
Exploitation in the forest
1. FACT-SHEET ON WOOD STOCKS
TYPE OF WOOD
Type of product Dimensi Quantity Volume Species Origin Cutting up
on
method
Remarks
Funding of the sub-sector
Installation history
2. FACT-SHEET ON WOOD ENTRY
SMALL-SCALE WOOD
Dimension Quantity Volume Purchasing Total
price expenditure
Species Origin Cutting up
method
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Total
volume
Total
expenditure
3. FACT-SHEET ON WOOD EXIT
SMALL-SCALE WOOD
Dimension Quantity Volume Purchasing Total
price expenditure
Species Origin Cutting up
method
Total
volume
Total
income
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FUNDING FACT-SHEET
Date ……………… Market ………………………Trader…………….………
Wood type (small-scale, Sawmill residues, both) :
…………………………………………..…….
Installation and starting history of the trade
1- How were you introduced into the market who taught you the trade
……………………………………………………….………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…….…………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
2- Were you sponsored By who How ………………..…………………..…
……………………………………….………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………………..……
……………………………………………………………………………………………….
3- How much do you pay for the space you are occupying (land, shelter, etc)
How was this place funded Was it your personal effort (savings in an
association, bank, etc) assistance, partners, alone (specify the amount and
conditions)
………………………………………………………..………………………………………
…...…………………………………………………………………………………………
………….……………………………………………………………………………………
……………….…………………………………………………………………………….
4- How was the start of your business funded (purchase of first products to be
sold) Was it a personal effort (savings with an association, bank, etc.) assistance
from family or friends, partners, a loan (specify the amount and conditions)
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………………………………………………………..………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…….…………………………………………………………………………………………
….……………………………………………………………………………………………
Functioning
5- How do you get your supplies Do you have contracts, what kind of contract,
with who Do you go and fetch for the products in the forest yourself, or do you
have partners who supply you
……………………………..…………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………..
.………………………………………………………………………………………………
…….…………………………………………………………………………………………
6- How do you finance the running of your business Is it from personal efforts
(savings with an association, bank, etc.), assistance from family or friends
Specify the monthly contributions for each category
………………………………………………………..………………………………………
…...…………………………………………………………………………………………
………….……………………………………………………………………………………
……………….……………………………………………………………………………..
7- If you have partners who take part in funding the running of the business :
specify the partners, nature of their contribution, materiel or financial (amounts and
conditions)
………………………………………………………..…………………………………….
………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
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8- If you contract loans, specify here below the sources (Bank, ‘Njangi’,
Association etc.), and for each source, state the amount, the duration (monthly,
quarterly, yearly) and the interest rate paid :
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………...…………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
9- Are you satisfied with your activity (completely, on the average, or not at all)
Why
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………...…………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
10- If you are not satisfied, are you prepared to change business What would
like to do What is preventing you from doing it right now
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…….…………………………………………………………………………………………
………….……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………...………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
11- Do you think that there is something that could be done to improve on your
business Identify the things and specify who is supposed to do them (yourself,
your economic partners, the forestry administration, the Government in general)
………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………...…………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………….
…………………..
118

Annex 4 : Localisation of small-scale lumber markets in Yaounde and Douala
4.a. Map of Yaounde
4.b. Map of Douala
119

Annexe 5 : Report of the restitution workshop
REPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
Paix – Travail – Patrie
--------
MINISTERE DE L’ENVIRONNEMENT
ET DES FORETS
-----------
REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
Peace – Work – Fatherland
---------
MINISTRY OF THE ENVIRONMENT
AND FORESTRY
-------------
PROGRAMME SECTORIEL FORETS-
ENVIRONNEMENT
FOREST AND ENVIRONMENT SECTOR
PROGRAMME
Yaounde, 15 October 2002
REPORT OF THE RESTITUTION WORKSHOP OF THE STUDY ON “SMALL-
SCALE LUMBERING” SUB-SECTOR
INTRODUCTION
Pursuant to its workplan, the National Team charged with the preparation of the
FESP organised, on 11 October 2002 at the Hilton Hotel, a restitution workshop of
the study on small-scale lumbering sub-sector. This workshop, presided by the
Pilot of the National Team charged with the preparation of the FESP, Mr Samuel
Makon Wehiong on behalf of the Secretary General, who was unavoidably absent,
was structured as follows: presentation of the findings and discussions.
In fact, estimates as to the importance of the “small-scale lumbering” sub-sector
show that the sector is well developed in Cameroon. Annual production of this
sub-sector is estimated at between 205,000 and 300,000 m3 of sawn wood, i.e.
120

about 1,000,000 m3 of logs. Small-scale lumbering activities therefore occupy an
important place in the national forestry sector.
It is in this regard that in preparing for the Forest-Environment Sectoral
Programme, it was deemed necessary to carryout a study of the small-scale
lumbering sub-sector in Cameroon. Very little research had been undertaken in
this area so far. Reports show that there is no reliable data on this sub-sector at
the moment. A detailed study on the sub-sector using an a proper methodology
was therefore necessary.
This study was carried out by a team of five national and international consultants
for a period of six weeks and it aimed at making a typology of this sub-sector and
defining its opportunities and apprehensions, as well as potential for evolution
toward the formal sector.
FINDINGS
The consultants presentations focused on:
‣ Definition and presentation of the small-scale lumbering sub-sector;
‣ Production of small-scale lumber;
‣ Various markets for small-scale lumber;
‣ Detailed study of the Yaounde and Douala local markets;
‣ Socio-economic analysis
‣ Analysis of the legal and regulatory framework;
‣ Small-scale lumber and sustainable forest management .
The following points were subjects of discussions
The terminology, small-scale lumber and small-scale lumbering;
Aspects of forest tax system;
Inadequate precaution envisaged concerning the legal aspect;
121

Remarks on the methodology used;
Problems of accessing the resource and obtaining exploitation
licenses;
Organisation of markets;
Comparisons between industrial turnover and that of small-scale
lumbering;
The number of employment opportunities offered by the sub-sector;
Attribution of licenses;
Great challenges for industrial and small-scale productions;
Possibilities for the sub-sector to go formal.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The following recommendations were made to the consultants:
Point out clearly the economic value of this sub-sector;
Propose a strategy that will enable the forestry administration to
better follow up attributed licenses;
Contact the Forest Revenues Enhancement Programme to come out
with recommendations on a tax system for the sub-sector;
Propose a strategy to formalise this important sub-sector of the
national economy
PARTICIPANTS’ LIST
No. NAMES
Occupation
1 ADJA Séverine Student
2 AKONO Roland Joel RD consult
3 AWOULOU Pierre Student
4 BOUNA Etienne Representative /DP Centre
5 Carole MEGEVAND World Bank
6 DOMINIEK Plouvier AGRECO
122

7 DOUMA MVONDO Annie Céline Student
8 EBIA NDONGO Chief of Service pers./ forestry centre
9 FOCHIVE Emmanuel SG/GFBC
10 FOMETE Deputy Pilot NT/FESP
11 HELL Jean-Claude NT/FESP
12 Henk HOEFSLOOT WWF
13 Jean-Claude SOH CIDA
14 Jean-Luc ROUX DFID Representative
15 LEFANG Paul ANAFOR
16 LIN Joseph MINEFIB/DI/PSRF
17 MBALOMOG (Mme) MINEF/DF/SFF
18 MBARGA Narcisse ANAFOR
19 MBOCK Léo-Guy MINEFIB/DI/PSRF
20 MBOG Aser NT/FESP
21 MENANG Evouna Serge DFID
22 Mireille NDANCHA Consultant / Com / FESP
23 Mme MINLO Bernadette Chief of Forestry Post/Nkolbisson
24 NDO Alphonse NGAM Community Forest
25 NGUIMBOG Eric Global Forest Watch
26 NNOMO Christiane Secretary NT/FESP
27 ODIN NGA CHU Camp Yabassi Representative
28 ONDOA Cathériene NT/FESP
29 PANDING Eitel CFP Project
30 René OYONO CIFOR
31 Richard EBA’A DSCHANG University
32 Samuel MAKON WEHIONG Pilot NT/FESP
33 Samuel NGUIFFO SG /CED
34 SOBGOUI David Tractafric Representative
35 TANYI MBIANYOR Rose MINEFIB/DI/PSRF
36 Thérèse FOUDA DSCHANG University
37 WANDJA Zacharie ANJEFTB
123