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apostolicfathers0201clem - Carmel Apologetics

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GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. 581<br />

Polycarp (see i. p. 473, in. p. 419). But at all events the second<br />

passage is quite explicit as regards the authorship of the epistle. As<br />

Irengeus had been at one time a pupil of Polycarp, and as the communication<br />

between Gaul and Asia Minor was close, such testimony<br />

would in other cases be regarded as decisive. Unless therefore early<br />

Christian writings are to be subjected to standards of criticism which<br />

would not be applied to other provinces of literature, we have here<br />

evidence so strong, that it can only be set aside by the clear and indisputable<br />

tokens of a later date in the document itself, such as proved<br />

anachronisms and the like.<br />

After this very early testimony, later references cease to have any<br />

importance, except as assisting to identify the document mentioned by<br />

Irenteus. This is the case with Eusebius (see above, p. 148), whose<br />

quotations are especially valuable, inasmuch as he cites the very passage<br />

(§ 13) relating to the Ignatian Epistles, which is the great stumblingblock<br />

with modern critics and which all theories of interpolation alike<br />

have cast out from the text.<br />

Soon after the age of Eusebius, this epistle<br />

was incorporated<br />

in the<br />

spurious Life of Polycarp (§ 12), bearing the name of Pionius. Again<br />

a little later, but a few years before the close of the fourth century,<br />

Jerome tells us (see above, p. 560) that it was read ' even to his own<br />

day ' (usque hodie) ' in conventu Asiae ',<br />

whatever may be the exact<br />

meaning of this phrase. This public reading was no new thing, as<br />

appears from Jerome's language. When it commenced, we cannot say;<br />

but the conjecture may be hazarded that its inauguration was connected<br />

with the interest taken in the commemoration of Polycarp by<br />

Pionius, a martyr in the Decian persecution a.d. 250 (see above,<br />

p. 556). At all events the public reading of the epistle, as well as its<br />

incorporation in the Life, would tend to insure the preservation of the<br />

document in its integrity.<br />

At a later date it is<br />

only necessary to advert to the Syriac fragments<br />

(p. 563 sq).<br />

These however do not imply the existence of a<br />

Syriac translation. — The fathers there quoted, Timotheus (a.d. 457) and<br />

Severus (a.d. 513 518), wrote in Greek; and the individual passages<br />

which they cited would be translated into Syriac with their works (see<br />

above, pp. 176, 188, etc.).<br />

The same explanation also should probably<br />

be given of the extract in the anonymous Syriac writer (p. 565), which<br />

would be derived ultimately from some Greek father. These quota-<br />

445) that the Letter to Floiinus was writ- lustration of the fallacy of the argument<br />

ten at a later date than the passage in the from silence.<br />

Treatise on Heresies. This is a good il-

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