LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University
LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University
82 LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW XV Barnes, through his association with Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, was scheduled to preach on the first Sunday in Lent, 1540, from the most influential pulpit in England: Paul’s Cross in London. But Stephen Gardiner, the man who had warned against Barnes’s preaching, managed to have Barnes ousted and himself placed in the pulpit instead. From there he got right to the heart of matters by denouncing the central Protestant doctrine of justification by grace through faith alone. If Barnes had some cause to be irritated at being replaced, he became all the more infuriated by the content of his replacement’s sermon. And though he had been bumped from preaching on the first Lenten Sunday, he had his turn two weeks later when he preached from the same pulpit. At that point he decided against preaching on the assigned text, and instead took up the same text on which Gardiner had earlier preached. As he warmed to the subject and finally culminated his refutation of Gardiner—who himself happened to be present that day— Barnes pulled off a glove, threw it down in challenge, and announced that he would defend his position even to death. 27 The gesture was rash, but the announcement was prophetic. If Barnes had failed to read the times in 1525, when his temper led him to prison for the first time, he had even more radically misjudged the times in 1540. Seven months earlier, during one of Barnes’s absences from the country, the Act of Six Articles was passed in parliament and came into force. 28 Promulgated for the purpose of putting an end to the sort of religious disagreement displayed by Gardiner and Barnes, the Act was a brief statement of official English dogma on certain disputed points of theology. It also announced the penalties for preaching contrary to the doctrines there put forward. The most severe penalty for doing so was death itself. Barnes knew this. He also knew that, in spite of any previous indications that his King favoured Protestant doctrine, the Six Articles were an incredibly explicit denunciation of this theology. As such, they further indicated that men like Gardiner, defenders of traditional Roman doctrine, were again in the King’s favour. It thus took only a complaint from Gardiner to the King to set in motion the events leading to Barnes’s downfall. He was forced to retract the opinions he had preached against Gardiner. But the venue for doing so was a public one, and there Barnes’s formal (and obviously insincere) retraction was quickly followed by another sermon that rehearsed his true views. His hearers were scandalised, and he was almost immediately escorted to the Tower of London. 29 He remained there for four months, never being tried 27 The episode is recounted in several contemporary letters and chronicles, but the fullest account is that provided by Gardiner himself in The Letters of Stephen Gardiner, ed. J. A. Muller (Cambridge, 1933), 168ff. 28 The articles are reproduced in Documents, 222-32. 29 See LP 15:485.
MAAS: BARNES AND EARLY ENGLISH LUTHERANISM 83 and never having formal charges brought against him. Nevertheless, on 30 July 1540, with no further explanation, he and two other Protestant preachers were, on orders of the King, removed from the Tower and burned at the stake. In a strange twist of fate, three Roman Catholic prisoners, on the very same day, also met their death at the King’s orders. These six deaths—three Catholic and three Protestant—highlight like nothing else the ambiguities and contradictions of Henry VIII and his reformation of the English church. He can hardly be considered Catholic, since he denounced the papacy and executed its supporters as traitors. But he also systematically persecuted Zwinglians and Anabaptists, so he certainly cannot be considered one of those brands of Protestantism. He disagreed with the tenets of Calvinism and, despite years of negotiation, he consistently refused to be allied with those of a Lutheran confession. It is probably not being too blunt to state that Henry never knew exactly where he stood theologically. Nor is it saying too much to state that his subjects never knew where he stood. The safest thing any of them could do was to remain flexible, speak vaguely, and be willing to change their opinions as those of their King changed. This is precisely what Barnes had failed to do. He unashamedly professed his beliefs, and then consistently maintained them even in the face of opposition. Before closing, then, it will be worth briefly attempting to define Barnes’s faith more exactly. I will not take the time to systematically spell out his stance on every conceivable doctrinal point. What I will instead attempt, by an admittedly oversimplified process of elimination, is to offer some evidence in support of the previously stated conviction that Barnes was a convinced proponent of Lutheranism. In many ways this opinion is not a novel one. But it is worth pursuing for at least two reasons. The first is that Lutheranism in any narrow sense was quite rare in sixteenth-century England; if Barnes did indeed support such a confession then it is definitely worth noting. The second reason, not unrelated to the first, is that some in the past half-century have attempted to undermine claims that Barnes was or remained a Lutheran. 30 Any attempt to portray Barnes as a Lutheran must provide evidence first and foremost of his adherence to that doctrine standing at the centre of Lutheran theology: justification sola fide, by faith alone. And anyone picking up Barnes’s first publication, his 1530 work titled Sentences Collected from the Doctors, will immediately be faced with the evidence of 30 Most notably, W. A. Clebsch, England’s Earliest Protestants, 1520-1535 (New Haven, 1964). More recently, see also R. W. Whittall, “Cambridge Preachers: Robert Barnes’s Advent Sermon”, in Teach Me Thy Way, O Lord: Essays in Honor of Glen Zweck on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Houston, 2000), 235-46.
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MAAS: BARNES AND EARLY ENGLISH <strong>LUTHERAN</strong>ISM 83<br />
and never having formal charges brought against him. Nevertheless, on 30<br />
July 1540, with no further explanation, he and two other Protestant preachers<br />
were, on orders of the King, removed from the Tower and burned at the<br />
stake. In a strange twist of fate, three Roman Catholic prisoners, on the very<br />
same day, also met their death at the King’s orders.<br />
These six deaths—three Catholic and three Protestant—highlight like<br />
nothing else the ambiguities and contradictions of Henry VIII and his<br />
reformation of the English church. He can hardly be considered Catholic,<br />
since he denounced the papacy and executed its supporters as traitors. But he<br />
also systematically persecuted Zwinglians and Anabaptists, so he certainly<br />
cannot be considered one of those brands of Protestantism. He disagreed<br />
with the tenets of Calvinism and, despite years of negotiation, he<br />
consistently refused to be allied with those of a Lutheran confession. It is<br />
probably not being too blunt to state that Henry never knew exactly where he<br />
stood theologically. Nor is it saying too much to state that his subjects never<br />
knew where he stood. The safest thing any of them could do was to remain<br />
flexible, speak vaguely, and be willing to change their opinions as those of<br />
their King changed. This is precisely what Barnes had failed to do. He<br />
unashamedly professed his beliefs, and then consistently maintained them<br />
even in the face of opposition. Before closing, then, it will be worth briefly<br />
attempting to define Barnes’s faith more exactly.<br />
I will not take the time to systematically spell out his stance on every<br />
conceivable doctrinal point. What I will instead attempt, by an admittedly<br />
oversimplified process of elimination, is to offer some evidence in support of<br />
the previously stated conviction that Barnes was a convinced proponent of<br />
Lutheranism. In many ways this opinion is not a novel one. But it is worth<br />
pursuing for at least two reasons. The first is that Lutheranism in any narrow<br />
sense was quite rare in sixteenth-century England; if Barnes did indeed<br />
support such a confession then it is definitely worth noting. The second<br />
reason, not unrelated to the first, is that some in the past half-century have<br />
attempted to undermine claims that Barnes was or remained a Lutheran. 30<br />
Any attempt to portray Barnes as a Lutheran must provide evidence first<br />
and foremost of his adherence to that doctrine standing at the centre of<br />
Lutheran theology: justification sola fide, by faith alone. And anyone<br />
picking up Barnes’s first publication, his 1530 work titled Sentences<br />
Collected from the Doctors, will immediately be faced with the evidence of<br />
30 Most notably, W. A. Clebsch, England’s Earliest Protestants, 1520-1535 (New Haven,<br />
1964). More recently, see also R. W. Whittall, “Cambridge Preachers: Robert Barnes’s<br />
Advent Sermon”, in Teach Me Thy Way, O Lord: Essays in Honor of Glen Zweck on the<br />
Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Houston, 2000), 235-46.