LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University
LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University
74 LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW XV result is that Barnes, who for much of his life in England and on the Continent seemed to straddle the English Channel, was eventually left by churches on both sides to sink to its bottom. What I would like to do here is offer some small attempt at a resuscitation. I will not attempt to argue any particularly profound thesis about Barnes’s importance for the Reformation. Barnes was not, regardless of the connections I have already mentioned, and as much as many modern English-speaking Lutherans might like him to be, a major player in the Reformation. But this is not to say that he is not an interesting and in some ways a unique individual. Illustrating this will perhaps be enough to encourage further and continued interest in both Robert Barnes and early English Lutheranism. To do so, though, we will first have to put Barnes into context by sketching a shamefully brief history of the ecclesiastical scene in early sixteenth-century England. We can perhaps begin where many histories of the Reformation begin, with Luther’s famous posting of his ninety-five theses. The date, of course, was 31 October 1517. And though Luther posted his theses on a church door in Germany, less than four weeks later the controversial opinions there outlined were being read and discussed across the channel in England. In the few years following, it was quite possible to see Luther not necessarily as a theological reformer attempting to undermine the tradition and authority of the institutional church in which he himself was raised. Rather, many were reading Luther as merely another proponent of the intellectual movement known as humanism, which found fault with what it considered the “nitpicking” and “hair-splitting” of so much medieval theology. The humanists, though, were not primarily critical of the conclusions reached by medieval theologians, but most often simply of the methods by which those conclusions were reached. So while it is true that the humanists could very often be critical of the church and some of her more dubious claims and practices, they were early on and almost to a man sincere supporters of the church’s official theology. And many thought Luther could be included in this camp. Thus some could even claim that Luther agreed in everything with Erasmus (far and away the most prominent humanist), saying that “the only difference [is] that what Erasmus merely hints at, Luther teaches openly”. 2 That opinion, however, had soon to be abandoned by those who continued to read Luther’s growing number of publications. The year 1520 is in many ways decisive for the turning point in popular opinion. In that year Luther published three treatises which together offered a fairly thorough summary of his theological thinking. It was one of these in particular, his 2 The remark is that of Martin Bucer. See Erika Rummel, The Confessionalization of Humanism in Germany (Oxford, 2000), 23.
MAAS: BARNES AND EARLY ENGLISH LUTHERANISM 75 Babylonian Captivity of the Church, which pointed up the radical differences between Luther’s thought and that of received tradition. This Babylonian Captivity was a direct attack on the sacramental system of the church of Rome, in many ways the heart and soul of the church. It is here that Luther dismissed the great majority of Roman sacraments as unbiblical inventions of the medieval church, and in doing so placed himself in a position outside of and against that church. What exactly does this all have to do with England, much less with Robert Barnes England first. With Luther’s publication of the Babylonian Captivity, conservative theologians throughout Christendom took up their pens to refute what they saw as outright and dangerous heresy. And the theologians of England were no exception. What was exceptional on this island is that the refutations of Luther were not solely the work of theologians. Strangely, the first systematic English rebuttal of Luther’s Babylonian Captivity was penned by a most unexpected author, King Henry VIII himself. Henry, despite the fact that he is most often remembered as the man who eventually removed England from obedience to the Roman church and had himself proclaimed Supreme Head of the church in England, was, in the early 1520s, one of Rome’s most loyal supporters. It was in demonstration of this loyalty that he took it upon himself to write what he called an Assertion of the Seven Sacraments, condemning Luther’s dismissal of the majority of these. And so impressive was Henry’s work considered by those in high places, that, in the first of many ironies of the English Reformation, he was rewarded with the title Defender of the Faith. 3 This is where things stood in the England of the early 1520s. The King was praised as defender of orthodoxy; Luther was condemned as dangerous heretic; and any who showed signs, however faint, of favouring Luther’s opinions would of course fall under the same condemnation. Enter Robert Barnes. 4 Barnes, like Luther himself, was a friar of the Augustinian order. He had been born in the market town of Bishop’s Lynn (now King’s Lynn), in Norfolk, in the year 1495, and while he was still quite young—by best estimates when he was only ten or eleven—he was sent from his hometown to the Augustinian house in Cambridge. The fact that there was an Augustinian house in Bishop’s Lynn itself suggests that it was not simply the monastic life which his parents intended for him. By sending him to 3 Lest there be any confusion, especially in the light of Prince Charles’s fairly recent intimations that English sovereigns should be considered defenders of “faith”, in an inclusive and generic sense, it should be stressed that this title was granted by the Roman pope, and referred strictly to the Roman Catholic faith. 4 The following biographical details can be found in most works on Barnes. Still the best overview of his life is that by James P. Lusardi, “The Career of Robert Barnes”, in The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, 15 vols, ed. C. H. Miller, et al. (New Haven, 1963- 1997), 8:1365-1415.
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74 <strong>LUTHERAN</strong> <strong>THEOLOGICAL</strong> <strong>REVIEW</strong> XV<br />
result is that Barnes, who for much of his life in England and on the<br />
Continent seemed to straddle the English Channel, was eventually left by<br />
churches on both sides to sink to its bottom.<br />
What I would like to do here is offer some small attempt at a<br />
resuscitation. I will not attempt to argue any particularly profound thesis<br />
about Barnes’s importance for the Reformation. Barnes was not, regardless<br />
of the connections I have already mentioned, and as much as many modern<br />
English-speaking Lutherans might like him to be, a major player in the<br />
Reformation. But this is not to say that he is not an interesting and in some<br />
ways a unique individual. Illustrating this will perhaps be enough to<br />
encourage further and continued interest in both Robert Barnes and early<br />
English Lutheranism. To do so, though, we will first have to put Barnes into<br />
context by sketching a shamefully brief history of the ecclesiastical scene in<br />
early sixteenth-century England.<br />
We can perhaps begin where many histories of the Reformation begin,<br />
with Luther’s famous posting of his ninety-five theses. The date, of course,<br />
was 31 October 1517. And though Luther posted his theses on a church door<br />
in Germany, less than four weeks later the controversial opinions there<br />
outlined were being read and discussed across the channel in England. In the<br />
few years following, it was quite possible to see Luther not necessarily as a<br />
theological reformer attempting to undermine the tradition and authority of<br />
the institutional church in which he himself was raised. Rather, many were<br />
reading Luther as merely another proponent of the intellectual movement<br />
known as humanism, which found fault with what it considered the “nitpicking”<br />
and “hair-splitting” of so much medieval theology. The humanists,<br />
though, were not primarily critical of the conclusions reached by medieval<br />
theologians, but most often simply of the methods by which those<br />
conclusions were reached. So while it is true that the humanists could very<br />
often be critical of the church and some of her more dubious claims and<br />
practices, they were early on and almost to a man sincere supporters of the<br />
church’s official theology. And many thought Luther could be included in<br />
this camp. Thus some could even claim that Luther agreed in everything<br />
with Erasmus (far and away the most prominent humanist), saying that “the<br />
only difference [is] that what Erasmus merely hints at, Luther teaches<br />
openly”. 2<br />
That opinion, however, had soon to be abandoned by those who<br />
continued to read Luther’s growing number of publications. The year 1520 is<br />
in many ways decisive for the turning point in popular opinion. In that year<br />
Luther published three treatises which together offered a fairly thorough<br />
summary of his theological thinking. It was one of these in particular, his<br />
2 The remark is that of Martin Bucer. See Erika Rummel, The Confessionalization of<br />
Humanism in Germany (Oxford, 2000), 23.