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LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University

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56 <strong>LUTHERAN</strong> <strong>THEOLOGICAL</strong> <strong>REVIEW</strong> XV<br />

Matthew (1533) contains translations of sermons by Luther; 6 The Exposition<br />

of 1 John (1531) points in the same direction. 7 Just in the course of preparing<br />

this paper I have uncovered a couple of unpaid debts to Luther. 8<br />

Thus, it seems the Lutherans in Kentish Town, London, were not without<br />

justification in naming their church Luther-Tyndale—nor were they the first<br />

to make the connection. The Catholic Humanist Thomas More (d. 1535)<br />

dismissed Tyndale’s writings as mere rehashed Luther. George Joy,<br />

Tyndale’s co-worker from their days on the Continent (of Peterhouse,<br />

Cambridge), once remarked: “I heard him praise his exposition of the 5 th , 6 th<br />

and 7 th chapters of Matthew so much that mine ears glowed for shame to<br />

hear him, and yet it was Luther that made it and Tyndale only by translating<br />

it and powdering it here and there with his own fantasies.” 9<br />

What we know of Tyndale’s life confirms Luther’s direct influence. He<br />

matriculated at Wittenberg, 27 May 1524, under the name “Guilelmus<br />

Daltin” (Daltin being an anagram of Tindal). It was here that he came into<br />

contact with his Jewish translation assistant William Roy, Luther, and<br />

presumably Melanchthon. We do not know how long Tyndale resided in<br />

Wittenberg, but by March 1526 he and Roy had produced at Worms the first<br />

printing of the English New Testament.<br />

Tyndale’s theological debt to the German Reformation appears obvious,<br />

and the matter would have remained closed had he not departed significantly<br />

from Luther’s teaching on the real, corporeal presence in the Eucharist. We<br />

do not know when this shift may have occurred, or even whether it can be<br />

called “a shift”—we might suppose that Tyndale had initially held to a more<br />

substantive, real presence view as Thomas Cranmer once had. 10 But by 1532<br />

when Frith had returned to England from his sojourn in the Low Countries<br />

with Tyndale and was imprisoned for his Eucharistic views, Tyndale advised<br />

his friend to conceal his heretical views on the sacrament—even from their<br />

fellow reformers:<br />

Of the presence of Christ’s body in the sacrament, meddle as little as you can,<br />

that there appear no division among us. Barnes will be hot against you. The<br />

6 E. G. Rupp, Studies in the Making of the English Protestant Tradition (Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge UP, 1947), 51.<br />

7 Rupp, English Protestant Tradition, 51.<br />

8 Tyndale’s understanding of the Law in his prologues to the Old Testament (Marburg,<br />

1530) is generally reliant upon Luther’s understanding of the same in his Prefaces to the Old<br />

Testament, first published in Wittenberg, 1523, but revised six times by 1528. Tyndale’s<br />

tripartite division of Natural Law, the Law of Moses, and the Law of Christ in The Obedience<br />

of the Christian Man (Marburg, 1528; Works 1:181-85) draws specifically on Luther’s<br />

Prefaces to the Old Testament (WA DB 8:27= AE 35:245-46).<br />

9 Rupp, English Protestant Tradition, 50.<br />

10 Peter Newman Brooks demonstrated Cranmer’s “Lutheran phase” in Cranmer’s Doctrine<br />

of the Eucharist (London: Macmillan, 1965).

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