LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University
LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW - Brock University
44 LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL REVIEW XV though, according to the Lutherans. “Although the Turks are non- Christians”, wrote Justus Jonas, “there would not be just cause to make war on them if they maintained the peace.” 15 So it was put forward that Europe should respond to the Turks not in order to regain Constantinople and subjugate the Turks, but to defend the empire and its people. In addition to military action, there were some authors, usually radical Protestants, who rejected any form of armed response—defensive or otherwise—against the Turks. This was, in part, a political manoeuvre, for the Turks were much more tolerant of Protestantism in all its forms than, for example, Catholic inquisitors attempting to stamp out the Reformation movement. The primary reason behind suggestions of pacifism, however, was theological. For example, Luther’s early nemesis Thomas Müntzer considered Muslims potentially to be part of the “universal church of the elect” (allgemeine Kirche der Auserwählten) made up of all “dispersions, races, and religions,” who conformed to the “inner word” revealed to all creatures. 16 Therefore, true Christians, that is those who have responded to the voice of God within, should allow the Turks entry into Germany so that they might seek out fellow believers amongst them and by their exemplary life bring about their full conversion. 17 The ex-Lutheran turned spiritualist, Sebastian Franck, posited similar reasons. He saw his version of Christian spiritualism as a fourth and final movement of God that would “draw together an invisible, spiritual church in the unity of the spirit and faith from among all people.” 18 This geystlich kirchen included all people for, according to Franck, there is “now neither Turk nor Christian”. 19 There was no reason to fear a Turkish conquest of Europe. In fact, it ought to be welcomed as a fulfilment of God’s activity in history. One response to the early sixteenth century Türkenfurcht that every sixteenth century author was agreed upon was so-called spiritual warfare, that is, prayer and repentance. 20 There was, however, a subtle difference in 15 Justus Jonas, Das siebend Capitel Danielis von des Türcken Gottes lesterung und schrecklicher morderey mit unterricht (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1529), 33. 16 George Hunston Williams, The Radical Reformation, 3 rd ed. (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal, 1992), 1266. 17 D. Fauth, “Das Türkenbild bei Thomas Müntzer”, Berliner Theologische Zeitschrift 11.1 (1994): 11. 18 Sebastian Franck, Chronica unnd beschreibung der Türckey (Nürnberg: Friedrich Peypus, 1530), Kiii. 19 Franck, Chronica, Oiii. Also see his “Letter to John Campanus,” in Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers, eds. Williams & Mergal (London: SCM, 1957), 156. 20 Miller notes that the “sermons, hymns, and prayers that admonished spiritual exercises in the face of the Turkish threat are so numerous that they almost form a distinct category of Reformation-era religious publication” (“Holy War”, 251-52). Cf. Bohnstedt, “The Infidel Scourge”, 17.
FRANCISCO: POLEMICAL WORKS AGAINST ISLAM, 1529-43 45 emphases between Catholic and Protestant writers. 21 Catholics encouraged, and mandated in some cases, various spiritual and liturgical disciplines with hopes to gain God’s favour for both the protection and propagation of Christendom as well as the successes of the military in warding off and capturing the enemy. Lutherans also urged spiritual responses, but as a means to a different end. They exhorted all Christians to prayer and repentance for the mere survival of Christendom. Following Luther’s lead in his Army Sermon against the Turk, the Habsburg-Ottoman war was viewed as an eschatological struggle between the true church—submitted to Christ and the scriptures—and the false church—led by delusions introduced by Satan (Turks, Papists, Anabaptists, etc). 22 The Turks, although they were powerful, could only be externally successful. They could conquer Europe, as Scripture seemed to suggest, and even enslave (or kill) its Christian peoples, but they could not take individual Christian souls. Therefore, the “best weapon”, read an anonymous protestant broadsheet from 1531, is for Christians to “hope in God alone”, “trust in his word”, and “build entirely upon Christ, who has overcome the world. Though him [Christians] would be victorious and in the end obtain salvation.” 23 On account of the apocalyptic motifs thought to be behind current events, Protestants were generally pessimistic about the near future. The decline of Turkish power seemed a long way off. Thus, conquest seemed imminent. What this meant at the basic pastoral level was that Islam would eventually make its way into Europe and seduce its Christians into apostasy. Luther wrote, Now that we have the Turk and his religion in our vicinity we must warn our people in case that they are moved by the splendour of their religion and the appearances of their customs—or offended by the simplicity of our faith and deficiencies in our customs—and they reject their Christ and follow Muhammad …. There is danger that many of us will become Muslims. 24 According to Luther’s estimation it was imperative that Christians learn about Islam so that they could respond to Muslims should the occasion arise. 21 See Miller, “Holy War”, 253-59. 22 Eine Heerpredigt widder den Türcken is located in WA 30.2:160-97. Luther set the Turkish war in terms of Daniel’s vision of four world empires (esp. chapter 7). Following this publication the Lutherans began consistently identifying the Turks (alongside the papacy) as enemies of Christ and the embodiment of prophetic figures signifying the beginning of the apocalypse. See Kenneth Setton, “Lutheranism and the Turkish Peril”, Balkan Studies 3 (1962), 152-54; Bohnstedt, “The Infidel Scourge”, 12. 23 Ein spruch wie man dem Türcken macht widerstehen auch wie sich die Christen solcher nott sollen halten (n.p., 1531). 24 Luther, Libellus de ritu et moribus turcorum (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1530), 3-4. Also in WA 30.2:207. I’ve translated “Turci” here as “Muslim” for in this case the terms are synonymous.
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44 <strong>LUTHERAN</strong> <strong>THEOLOGICAL</strong> <strong>REVIEW</strong> XV<br />
though, according to the Lutherans. “Although the Turks are non-<br />
Christians”, wrote Justus Jonas, “there would not be just cause to make war<br />
on them if they maintained the peace.” 15 So it was put forward that Europe<br />
should respond to the Turks not in order to regain Constantinople and<br />
subjugate the Turks, but to defend the empire and its people.<br />
In addition to military action, there were some authors, usually radical<br />
Protestants, who rejected any form of armed response—defensive or<br />
otherwise—against the Turks. This was, in part, a political manoeuvre, for<br />
the Turks were much more tolerant of Protestantism in all its forms than, for<br />
example, Catholic inquisitors attempting to stamp out the Reformation<br />
movement. The primary reason behind suggestions of pacifism, however,<br />
was theological. For example, Luther’s early nemesis Thomas Müntzer<br />
considered Muslims potentially to be part of the “universal church of the<br />
elect” (allgemeine Kirche der Auserwählten) made up of all “dispersions,<br />
races, and religions,” who conformed to the “inner word” revealed to all<br />
creatures. 16 Therefore, true Christians, that is those who have responded to<br />
the voice of God within, should allow the Turks entry into Germany so that<br />
they might seek out fellow believers amongst them and by their exemplary<br />
life bring about their full conversion. 17 The ex-Lutheran turned spiritualist,<br />
Sebastian Franck, posited similar reasons. He saw his version of Christian<br />
spiritualism as a fourth and final movement of God that would “draw<br />
together an invisible, spiritual church in the unity of the spirit and faith from<br />
among all people.” 18 This geystlich kirchen included all people for,<br />
according to Franck, there is “now neither Turk nor Christian”. 19 There was<br />
no reason to fear a Turkish conquest of Europe. In fact, it ought to be<br />
welcomed as a fulfilment of God’s activity in history.<br />
One response to the early sixteenth century Türkenfurcht that every<br />
sixteenth century author was agreed upon was so-called spiritual warfare,<br />
that is, prayer and repentance. 20 There was, however, a subtle difference in<br />
15 Justus Jonas, Das siebend Capitel Danielis von des Türcken Gottes lesterung und<br />
schrecklicher morderey mit unterricht (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1529), 33.<br />
16 George Hunston Williams, The Radical Reformation, 3 rd ed. (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth<br />
Century Journal, 1992), 1266.<br />
17 D. Fauth, “Das Türkenbild bei Thomas Müntzer”, Berliner Theologische Zeitschrift 11.1<br />
(1994): 11.<br />
18 Sebastian Franck, Chronica unnd beschreibung der Türckey (Nürnberg: Friedrich Peypus,<br />
1530), Kiii.<br />
19 Franck, Chronica, Oiii. Also see his “Letter to John Campanus,” in Spiritual and<br />
Anabaptist Writers, eds. Williams & Mergal (London: SCM, 1957), 156.<br />
20 Miller notes that the “sermons, hymns, and prayers that admonished spiritual exercises in<br />
the face of the Turkish threat are so numerous that they almost form a distinct category of<br />
Reformation-era religious publication” (“Holy War”, 251-52). Cf. Bohnstedt, “The Infidel<br />
Scourge”, 17.