03.01.2015 Views

OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University

OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University

OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

insurgents and actual insurgents in all areas where they have been and continue to operate, regardless of<br />

ISAF operational tempo. The ISAF Commanding General, General John Allen, told journalists in<br />

October 2011 “that the numbers of insurgents may be far fewer than the 25,000 previously assessed.”<br />

The Taliban (“Quetta Shura Taliban”)<br />

The Taliban is by far the largest opposition armed group in Afghanistan, accounting for more<br />

than 80 per cent of the total number of insurgents. Although Mullah Omar’s leadership is largely<br />

undisputed, the extent to which the Taliban leadership is able to control its rank and file is a matter of<br />

debate. It relies on a mix of incentives, rewards, and direct orders to ensure a degree of compliance. 11<br />

The Taliban’s “stated goals” are three-fold: 1) consolidation (iqrar) of an Islamic system; 2)<br />

unite the country and prevent it from being divided; and 3) provide security and peace in the country.” 12<br />

Hizbi-Islami<br />

Hizbi-Islami is the second-largest insurgent group in Afghanistan, accounting for perhaps<br />

10 percent of the strength of the insurgency. Hizbi-Islami’s relations with the Taliban are often troubled,<br />

and the two groups have fought each other in the recent past; as of early 2011 they seem to have patched<br />

up and are fighting together again. 13<br />

Al Qaeda<br />

Al Qaeda had a small presence in Afghanistan by late 2010, with probably tens rather than<br />

hundreds of cadres operating in Afghan territory. These cadres operated mainly as advisers, specialists,<br />

and trainers, giving them a greater value than their small numbers would suggest. It is difficult to judge<br />

Al Qaeda’s strategy in Afghanistan, but certainly they oppose negotiations and will try to do whatever<br />

they can to sabotage them. Their likely strategy is to keep the Afghan front open as long as possible in<br />

order to weaken the American enemy and prevent future intervention in the Arab world.<br />

Haqqani Faction or Network (HQN)<br />

The Americans believe that the HQN is arguably the most lethal threat to Afghan security. It is<br />

reported that the Haqqani Network are also in league with the Pakistani Taliban, who are fighting the<br />

Pakistani Army, which are allegedly a tacit supporter of Haqqani. Regardless of its anti-Karzai stance,<br />

this organization remains closer to Al Qaeda than to the Afghan Taliban. Al Qaeda fighters, which are<br />

operating in Afghanistan, are reportedly embedded with Haqqani fighters. 14 It is alleged that the<br />

network’s targeting of Indian interests within Afghanistan encourages the speculation of a tie to Pakistan.<br />

US Security Policy, 2014 Transition, and Beyond<br />

The policy goal of the Obama Administration is “to prevent Afghanistan from again becoming a<br />

safe haven for global terrorism.” However, the criteria for reaching this goal have for the most part<br />

revolved around the level or degree to which the government of Afghanistan and the ANSF can defend<br />

the country, govern effectively, and develop economically. The US’s mission is now moving fast toward<br />

changing from a “combat leadership to a mentoring and over-watch” role by mid-<strong>2013</strong>.<br />

In Kabul in May 2012, President Obama signed the critical U.S.-Afghanistan Strategic<br />

Partnership Agreement with President Karzai. This agreement is critical in establishing both a long-term<br />

commitment between the two nations and provides a political framework, which will define relations<br />

between the United States and Afghanistan. Additionally, Afghanistan has signed other partnership<br />

agreements with many of the NATO Allies or ISAF partners notwithstanding other regional countries,<br />

notably India.<br />

The UN/Afghan Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board (JCMB) determined that the ANA<br />

would expand to 171,600 and the ANP to approximately 134,000. The ANSF was able to reach that<br />

level in September 2011, one month in advance. Due to the anticipation of an ISAF drawdown and the<br />

desire to approach the required force ratios to conduct counterinsurgency in accordance with US<br />

doctrine, a larger target size of 352,000 was set. This end strength was set for November 2012, but was<br />

reached by the end of September 2012, two months ahead of schedule. As the ANSF and the<br />

corresponding state security apparatus is funded almost entirely through international donations, the<br />

subject of sustaining the ANSF after 2014 was and remains a major issue.<br />

The Obama administration’s goal for the drawdown of US forces is for partner drawdown to<br />

coincide with US forces and in relative proportion as follows:<br />

<strong>OPINION</strong> <strong>Vol.1</strong> <strong>No.1</strong> 82 <strong>June</strong> <strong>2013</strong>

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!