OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University
OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University
OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University
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insurgents and actual insurgents in all areas where they have been and continue to operate, regardless of<br />
ISAF operational tempo. The ISAF Commanding General, General John Allen, told journalists in<br />
October 2011 “that the numbers of insurgents may be far fewer than the 25,000 previously assessed.”<br />
The Taliban (“Quetta Shura Taliban”)<br />
The Taliban is by far the largest opposition armed group in Afghanistan, accounting for more<br />
than 80 per cent of the total number of insurgents. Although Mullah Omar’s leadership is largely<br />
undisputed, the extent to which the Taliban leadership is able to control its rank and file is a matter of<br />
debate. It relies on a mix of incentives, rewards, and direct orders to ensure a degree of compliance. 11<br />
The Taliban’s “stated goals” are three-fold: 1) consolidation (iqrar) of an Islamic system; 2)<br />
unite the country and prevent it from being divided; and 3) provide security and peace in the country.” 12<br />
Hizbi-Islami<br />
Hizbi-Islami is the second-largest insurgent group in Afghanistan, accounting for perhaps<br />
10 percent of the strength of the insurgency. Hizbi-Islami’s relations with the Taliban are often troubled,<br />
and the two groups have fought each other in the recent past; as of early 2011 they seem to have patched<br />
up and are fighting together again. 13<br />
Al Qaeda<br />
Al Qaeda had a small presence in Afghanistan by late 2010, with probably tens rather than<br />
hundreds of cadres operating in Afghan territory. These cadres operated mainly as advisers, specialists,<br />
and trainers, giving them a greater value than their small numbers would suggest. It is difficult to judge<br />
Al Qaeda’s strategy in Afghanistan, but certainly they oppose negotiations and will try to do whatever<br />
they can to sabotage them. Their likely strategy is to keep the Afghan front open as long as possible in<br />
order to weaken the American enemy and prevent future intervention in the Arab world.<br />
Haqqani Faction or Network (HQN)<br />
The Americans believe that the HQN is arguably the most lethal threat to Afghan security. It is<br />
reported that the Haqqani Network are also in league with the Pakistani Taliban, who are fighting the<br />
Pakistani Army, which are allegedly a tacit supporter of Haqqani. Regardless of its anti-Karzai stance,<br />
this organization remains closer to Al Qaeda than to the Afghan Taliban. Al Qaeda fighters, which are<br />
operating in Afghanistan, are reportedly embedded with Haqqani fighters. 14 It is alleged that the<br />
network’s targeting of Indian interests within Afghanistan encourages the speculation of a tie to Pakistan.<br />
US Security Policy, 2014 Transition, and Beyond<br />
The policy goal of the Obama Administration is “to prevent Afghanistan from again becoming a<br />
safe haven for global terrorism.” However, the criteria for reaching this goal have for the most part<br />
revolved around the level or degree to which the government of Afghanistan and the ANSF can defend<br />
the country, govern effectively, and develop economically. The US’s mission is now moving fast toward<br />
changing from a “combat leadership to a mentoring and over-watch” role by mid-<strong>2013</strong>.<br />
In Kabul in May 2012, President Obama signed the critical U.S.-Afghanistan Strategic<br />
Partnership Agreement with President Karzai. This agreement is critical in establishing both a long-term<br />
commitment between the two nations and provides a political framework, which will define relations<br />
between the United States and Afghanistan. Additionally, Afghanistan has signed other partnership<br />
agreements with many of the NATO Allies or ISAF partners notwithstanding other regional countries,<br />
notably India.<br />
The UN/Afghan Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board (JCMB) determined that the ANA<br />
would expand to 171,600 and the ANP to approximately 134,000. The ANSF was able to reach that<br />
level in September 2011, one month in advance. Due to the anticipation of an ISAF drawdown and the<br />
desire to approach the required force ratios to conduct counterinsurgency in accordance with US<br />
doctrine, a larger target size of 352,000 was set. This end strength was set for November 2012, but was<br />
reached by the end of September 2012, two months ahead of schedule. As the ANSF and the<br />
corresponding state security apparatus is funded almost entirely through international donations, the<br />
subject of sustaining the ANSF after 2014 was and remains a major issue.<br />
The Obama administration’s goal for the drawdown of US forces is for partner drawdown to<br />
coincide with US forces and in relative proportion as follows:<br />
<strong>OPINION</strong> <strong>Vol.1</strong> <strong>No.1</strong> 82 <strong>June</strong> <strong>2013</strong>