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here - Humanitarian Law Center/Fond za humanitarno pravo

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how it is possible that a person elected to such an important judicial office and who heads the<br />

government body whose task is to strictly and unreservedly implement the law, was unaware of<br />

the details of this law.<br />

A second reason why the Office of the War Crimes Prosecutor dropped the charges, according to<br />

Vukčević, was the decision by the Serbian government of 2000-2002 to treat the LAPBM as a<br />

terrorist organisation rather than a party to the armed conflict. Consequently, the criminal<br />

offences committed by the LAPBM cannot be considered war crimes, because in order for an act<br />

to be considered a war crime it must fulfil the necessary requirement of having been committed<br />

during an armed conflict.<br />

However, contrary to prosecutor Vukčević’s claims, offences committed in 2000-2001 in south<br />

Serbia, both by members of the LAPBM and members of Serbian forces may be treated as war<br />

crimes because an internal armed conflict between the LAPBM and Serbian forces was ongoing,<br />

something which can be clearly inferred from the ceasefire agreement in southern Serbia,<br />

brokered by Peter Faith, the Special Envoy of the NATO General Secretary, and signed by the<br />

LAPBM and the Serbian authorities in 2001. Article 3 of this agreement states as follows: “The<br />

parties to the agreement recognise and abide by the Additional Protocol to the Geneva<br />

Conventions (Protocol II) of 12 August 1949 relating to the protection of victims of noninternational<br />

[internal] conflicts.”<br />

Many of the circumstances surrounding these arrests indicate that they were politically<br />

motivated: they took place two days before the Serbian general election and gained the Minister<br />

of the Interior, Ivica Dačić, who ran for President of Serbia, a lot of publicity during the<br />

blackout period. Contradictory, inadequate and divergent public statements made by<br />

representatives of various institutions on this occasion, reveal that the arrests were hastily<br />

organised. And the Office of the War Crimes Prosecutor, in acting the way it did, not only 'went<br />

on the campaign trail' but also sent a poor message to the victims of the gravest human rights<br />

violations and the general public – that prosecution of war crimes in Serbia depends not just on<br />

evidence and applicable laws but also on politics.<br />

8

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