Whanau Ora : Report of the Taskforce on Whanau-Centred Initiatives

As a result <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> younger Māori-speaking whānau members has
increased significantly; kapa haka has assumed a higher pr<strong>of</strong>ile locally
and nationally; Māori-speaking early childhood centres and schools have
been established throughout <strong>the</strong> country; and at <strong>the</strong> tertiary level, Māori
participation has increased through wānanga, as well as at universities,
polytechnics and private training establishments.
2.3.9 Whānau participation in te ao Māori also has an economic dimension:
most Māori land is owned by whānau. As land values escalate and physical
resources become increasingly scarce, whānau interests in Māori land
constitute a potentially valuable source <strong>of</strong> revenue. Te Ture Whenua
Māori Act 1993 allows for <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> whānau land trusts as well as
whānau participation in larger corporations as shareholders. However, not all
whānau who are entitled to succeed are aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir entitlements and as
a result many do not apply for succession. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, many are not sufficiently
knowledgeable about land to participate confidently in decision-making at
governance or management levels. Yet, as tangata whenua, land is a highly
significant marker for whānau and, even apart from economic benefits,
provides an opportunity for streng<strong>the</strong>ning wider whānau relationships and
consolidating identity with o<strong>the</strong>r whānau and with hapū and iwi.
2.3.10 The relationship <strong>of</strong> whānau to hapū and iwi has also assumed greater
significance this century, partly in response to iwi delivery <strong>of</strong> health and
social services and also as a consequence <strong>of</strong> Treaty <strong>of</strong> Waitangi settlements.
The relationship has mutual benefits. Iwi registers <strong>of</strong> whānau members have
provided relevant justifications for establishing social services and lodging
claims, while whānau have benefited from iwi programmes, employment
by iwi authorities and access to iwi resources. In <strong>the</strong> post-settlement era
when more Treaty settlements will be concluded, greater flow-on effects
to whānau can be expected, although <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> whānau benefits from
Treaty settlements have not been fully decided. Iwi maintain that <strong>the</strong>ir
contributions to whānau wellbeing do not include providing resources
that would o<strong>the</strong>rwise be provided by <strong>the</strong> state but are more closely linked
to facilitating cultural development, adding value to state-funded services
and ensuring that whānau have access to iwi-funded benefits such as
educational scholarships, employment opportunities and health insurance.
2.3.11 Not all whānau have active links with hapū or iwi. Three or four generations
<strong>of</strong> urban living have, not infrequently, attenuated ties to <strong>the</strong> point that
tribal affiliation lacks any real involvement. These diminished ties do
not necessarily mean a lack <strong>of</strong> a strong Māori identity or high levels <strong>of</strong>
participation in Māori networks, but may reflect a new domain within te ao
Māori that is characterised by <strong>the</strong> active pursuit <strong>of</strong> Māori cultural interests,
facility in Māori language and involvement in Māori networks that have
urban origins.
2.3.12 However, regardless <strong>of</strong> involvement – or lack <strong>of</strong> involvement – with hapū
and iwi or Māori networks generally, a Māori cultural context ranks alongside
social and economic factors as a determinant <strong>of</strong> whānau wellbeing.
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