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All About Mentoring Spring 2011 - SUNY Empire State College

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64<br />

turn fared better than the poor. Perhaps it<br />

was the PRI that fared worst of all. In many<br />

ways, its credibility never recovered.<br />

In September 1985, the PRI suffered<br />

another major blow following a massive<br />

earthquake that rocked the capital. Damage<br />

was widespread and a great many people<br />

died, yet the PRI, in the following days, was<br />

invisible. Local people seized the initiative<br />

and quickly mobilized to search for victims<br />

and provide services for survivors. When<br />

the PRI belatedly leapt into action,<br />

having initially minimized the damage<br />

and assured international experts that<br />

help was not needed, it sent in the army<br />

to protect private property. The party<br />

was further discredited when post-quake<br />

analysis suggested the pattern of building<br />

collapses revealed one of the many costs<br />

of corruption. Contractors working on<br />

government buildings, including hospitals<br />

and schools had clearly used shoddy<br />

materials and government inspectors had<br />

been paid off.<br />

that national leaders promised would pave<br />

the way for Mexico’s transformation into<br />

a fully developed country. What Mexicans<br />

refer to as the “intellectual authors” of<br />

the assassination was never identified.<br />

That fall, Jose Francisco Ruiz Massieu, an<br />

official of the PRI and a national senator,<br />

was assassinated. During the months that<br />

followed, investigations revealed what<br />

historians Michael C. Meyer, William L.<br />

Sherman and Susan M. Deeds (2007) refer<br />

to as follows:<br />

This long-running scandal, coupled with yet<br />

another economic collapse and a response<br />

from the PRI that was little short of<br />

catastrophic, finally resulted in the PRI’s loss<br />

of power to the conservative Partido Acción<br />

Nacional (PAN) in 2000.<br />

This sketch of major changes in Mexico<br />

between 1975 and 2010 suggests a number<br />

of themes worthy of further investigation.<br />

In the second part of this essay, I will<br />

explore one of them: Governmental<br />

Capacity. Powerfully influenced by their<br />

North American neighbor, Mexican<br />

administrations during the 1980s and<br />

1990s sharply reduced the government’s<br />

role in the economy and opened the<br />

country to foreign private investment.<br />

And, as noted, rapid population growth<br />

and urbanization increased pressure on<br />

natural resources and infrastructure.<br />

Simultaneously, democratization both<br />

raised expectations and created openings<br />

for new approaches to addressing these<br />

issues.<br />

The 1988 presidential election brought<br />

the decline of the PRI into full public<br />

view. The PRI candidate, Carlos Salinas<br />

de Gortari, chosen, as always, by the<br />

outgoing president, was challenged<br />

by a leftist spin-off group that called<br />

itself the Frente Democratico Nacional<br />

(the National Democratic Front). Its<br />

candidate, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, was<br />

widely believed to have won the election,<br />

but the PRI abruptly halted the ballot<br />

count and declared its man the winner.<br />

This period, between 1985 and 1990,<br />

saw the rise of several “civil society”<br />

groups, many of them byproducts<br />

of the popular response to the 1985<br />

earthquake. Civil society has taken on<br />

multiple roles since then and, as we shall<br />

see, may be central to Mexican hopes for<br />

the future.<br />

Things got even worse in 1994, when the<br />

PRI candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio, who<br />

promised to open the political process and<br />

demonstrate the PRI’s responsiveness to<br />

the public, was assassinated. This event, in<br />

May, on the heels of the Zapatista uprising<br />

in the southern state of Chiapas on Jan.<br />

1, traumatized the nation, just at the time<br />

when Mexico should have been celebrating<br />

the implementation of NAFTA, the pact<br />

Girl in Sombrero: Watching a World Cup victory<br />

celebration, Cuernavaca, Morelos, June 17, 2010<br />

For at least half a century Mexicans<br />

had awaited revelations of corruption<br />

each time a new administration<br />

replaced an old. But this occasion<br />

was different. The news of intrigue,<br />

corruption, big money, naropolitics<br />

and murder that began to surface in<br />

February 1995 was not the typical<br />

low-grade moral infection. It was a<br />

gothic tale that mesmerized the nation.<br />

(p. 618)<br />

The question I will take up is: how<br />

prepared are Mexican governmental<br />

institutions to respond to the challenges<br />

currently confronting them and those<br />

sure to arise in coming decades One<br />

narrative suggests that this issue need<br />

not concern us: the market will provide.<br />

Another argues that strong and responsive<br />

governments are essential to the vitality<br />

of market economies and flourishing<br />

societies. A look at the Mexican<br />

experience offers some valuable insights.<br />

Note<br />

References included here are texts<br />

referred to in part I. A full bibliography<br />

will be provided in <strong>All</strong> <strong>About</strong> <strong>Mentoring</strong><br />

fall <strong>2011</strong>.<br />

References<br />

Meyer, M.C., Sherman, W.L. and Deeds,<br />

S.M. (2007). The course of Mexican<br />

history (8th ed.). New York, NY:<br />

Oxford University Press.<br />

Moreno-Brid, J.C and Ros, J. (2009).<br />

Development and growth in the<br />

Mexican economy: A historical<br />

perspective. New York, NY: Oxford<br />

University Press.<br />

suny empire state college • all about mentoring • issue 39 • spring <strong>2011</strong>

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