Handbook of Corporate Communication and Public ... - Blogs Unpad

Handbook of Corporate Communication and Public ... - Blogs Unpad Handbook of Corporate Communication and Public ... - Blogs Unpad

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the collective and the planned towards the singular and the autonomous. This altered paradigm for the UK political economy has resulted in business and pro-market interests predominating over their ideological and material competitors. Collectivism and corporatism have waned while individualism and ideas of small government have waxed. Mainstream political parties vie to be more business-friendly. Competition is proclaimed over monopoly; public policy favours consumers rather than producers; markets seesaw where the plan once stabilized; low tax rates privilege private wealth over public goods. As a result, there is now in the United Kingdom a pronounced commercial pluralism. This is the condition where market and business values, ideas and practices prevail over substantial challenges from non-business or anti-business groups. Without it, accelerated pluralism would not affect the lives of all the UK population. Tens of millions are affected by personal and civic value changes: all are affected by market and business changes. This commercial pluralism speaks when we hear calls for the abolition of farm subsidies; when the gaming industry lobbies for the use of credit cards in casinos, and when construction companies want to invest in NHS hospitals. Overall, the increased emphases on different values and personal behaviours, on voluntary associations for their promotion and defence (civic pluralism), and on the marketable, the entrepreneurial, and the profitable (commercial pluralism) have combined to create a sustained pressure for change in private and public life. In liberal, market economies, popularly elected governments react to change in civil society (voluntary associations outside the family and government) and in the political economy (the wealth creation nexus in society). Implications for corporate communication The conditions are now set for a more varied, competitive, argumentative and commercialized public life. It is an outcome which encourages communicative activity as a means to secure advantages for interest and cause groups, for businesses, for public and voluntary sector institutions: and for government to communicate acceptance or rejection of change. It may seem a category mistake at first to have public sector organizations as communicators with government. Are they not part of government Statutorily they are, but they have executive government as their policy overlord and paymaster and they have to compete against civil service advice, party factions, hostile stakeholders and the treasury for policy and administrative advantages, and for resources. Accelerated pluralism (both civic and commercial) is an incubator of corporate and government communication. What do these trends tell us about the modern context in which corporate communication flourish Pluralism is a competitive condition concerning groups of individuals in society. It is a condition in which the ‘one’ has to compete for survival amongst the ‘many’. Corporate communication are the symbolic and expressive component of this competition and should be seen as competitive activity by transmitters and receivers. The aim of the competition is the search for organizational advantage. It is usually the case that only marginal advantage is available. Exxon is most unlikely to cause the destruction of Greenpeace but it may be able to win more public support over its rival in a particular campaign, e.g. the French courts upheld Exxon’s opinion that some environmentalists have amended its logo to give it a similarity with the symbol of © 2004 Sandra Oliver for editorial matter and selection; individual chapters, the contributors

the Nazi SS, and that this amendment must not appear in France. Sometimes organizational survival is seriously influenced by communication: witness how a short, scatological remark in 1991 by the eponymous chairman of Ratners ruined his high street jewellery business. There are, however, limits to the pluralist competition which prevent it deforming into a social darwinian struggle for survival at any cost: law, culture, and ethics. Second, UK corporate communication come from many different types of organization and group. Modern British pluralism is a highly variegated and pervasive phenomenon across its civil society and political economy. It would be inadequately descriptive to narrow the term ‘corporate’ just to business. Friends of the Earth, the Trades Union Congress, and Help the Aged are as structured, hierarchical and stable as McDonalds, the Institute of Directors and EMI. Churches, synagogues and temples are more communicative than many boardrooms. Think of the Board of Deputies of British Jews and the Catholic Media Office. The professional associations for teachers, nurses and police speak to the media and lobby government as often as many industry and trade associations. The definition here of ‘corporate’, however, does not include anti-globalization, anti-capitalist groupings. Corporate communicators from many sectors are concerned about messages from them, respond to them, and study their techniques, but the anti-globalizers are not the subjects of this chapter as their spokespeople are often anonymous, often speak for themselves, and the fluid combinations of activists around them lack a stable organizational basis. But this exclusion of anti-globalizers as corporate communicators does not deny the importance of their messages. They come from another important tradition in liberal, democratic societies – anti-establishment thinking and street protests by marginalized, anarchic groups. Third, accelerated pluralism is not the same as neo-liberalism, the ruling conservative ideology of much of the Anglo-American world since the 1980s. Apart from any coincidental identity, they are separate: the pluralism described here is a social phenomenon and process; neo-liberalism is a philosophy. A neoliberal government may welcome pluralism as an agent for the expression of individualism and free association, but it would also note that pluralism is a process of interest intermediation and that many of these interests are inimical to a neo-liberal government. For example, environmentalism and consumerism have flourished during the period of accelerated pluralism, but they are viewed with suspicion by the neo-liberal as imposed, external costs on markets, and as the cause of increased government regulation. Some industries have ambiguous, if not hostile, attitudes towards free trade. For example, the UK drinks and tobacco trade towards wine and cigarette allowances for holiday makers, and British farmers towards cheap food imports by supermarkets. Pluralism allows views to countervail each other, without regard to consistency with neo-liberal values. The fourth contextual point is that corporate communication is, mostly, public activity, even though its subject matter is sometimes about private behaviour. Corporate communicators are known and accountable officials for their organizations and their work is trackable (mostly). Corporate communication is the public relations of communication: public communicative relations of display-for-attention-and-advantage aimed at a distinct public ‘other’. Corporate communication sometimes deal with private matters but mostly in a public way. For example, the pay rise of an © 2004 Sandra Oliver for editorial matter and selection; individual chapters, the contributors

the Nazi SS, <strong>and</strong> that this amendment<br />

must not appear in France. Sometimes organizational<br />

survival is seriously influenced by<br />

communication: witness how a short, scatological<br />

remark in 1991 by the eponymous<br />

chairman <strong>of</strong> Ratners ruined his high street<br />

jewellery business. There are, however, limits<br />

to the pluralist competition which prevent<br />

it deforming into a social darwinian struggle<br />

for survival at any cost: law, culture, <strong>and</strong><br />

ethics.<br />

Second, UK corporate communication come<br />

from many different types <strong>of</strong> organization <strong>and</strong><br />

group. Modern British pluralism is a highly<br />

variegated <strong>and</strong> pervasive phenomenon across<br />

its civil society <strong>and</strong> political economy.<br />

It would be inadequately descriptive to<br />

narrow the term ‘corporate’ just to business.<br />

Friends <strong>of</strong> the Earth, the Trades Union Congress,<br />

<strong>and</strong> Help the Aged are as structured,<br />

hierarchical <strong>and</strong> stable as McDonalds, the<br />

Institute <strong>of</strong> Directors <strong>and</strong> EMI. Churches, synagogues<br />

<strong>and</strong> temples are more communicative<br />

than many boardrooms. Think <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Board <strong>of</strong> Deputies <strong>of</strong> British Jews <strong>and</strong> the<br />

Catholic Media Office. The pr<strong>of</strong>essional associations<br />

for teachers, nurses <strong>and</strong> police speak to<br />

the media <strong>and</strong> lobby government as <strong>of</strong>ten as<br />

many industry <strong>and</strong> trade associations. The<br />

definition here <strong>of</strong> ‘corporate’, however, does<br />

not include anti-globalization, anti-capitalist<br />

groupings. <strong>Corporate</strong> communicators from<br />

many sectors are concerned about messages<br />

from them, respond to them, <strong>and</strong> study their<br />

techniques, but the anti-globalizers are not<br />

the subjects <strong>of</strong> this chapter as their spokespeople<br />

are <strong>of</strong>ten anonymous, <strong>of</strong>ten speak for<br />

themselves, <strong>and</strong> the fluid combinations <strong>of</strong><br />

activists around them lack a stable organizational<br />

basis. But this exclusion <strong>of</strong> anti-globalizers<br />

as corporate communicators does not<br />

deny the importance <strong>of</strong> their messages. They<br />

come from another important tradition in<br />

liberal, democratic societies – anti-establishment<br />

thinking <strong>and</strong> street protests by marginalized,<br />

anarchic groups.<br />

Third, accelerated pluralism is not the same as<br />

neo-liberalism, the ruling conservative ideology<br />

<strong>of</strong> much <strong>of</strong> the Anglo-American world<br />

since the 1980s. Apart from any coincidental<br />

identity, they are separate: the pluralism<br />

described here is a social phenomenon <strong>and</strong><br />

process; neo-liberalism is a philosophy. A neoliberal<br />

government may welcome pluralism<br />

as an agent for the expression <strong>of</strong> individualism<br />

<strong>and</strong> free association, but it would also<br />

note that pluralism is a process <strong>of</strong> interest<br />

intermediation <strong>and</strong> that many <strong>of</strong> these interests<br />

are inimical to a neo-liberal government.<br />

For example, environmentalism <strong>and</strong> consumerism<br />

have flourished during the period<br />

<strong>of</strong> accelerated pluralism, but they are viewed<br />

with suspicion by the neo-liberal as imposed,<br />

external costs on markets, <strong>and</strong> as the cause<br />

<strong>of</strong> increased government regulation. Some<br />

industries have ambiguous, if not hostile, attitudes<br />

towards free trade. For example, the UK<br />

drinks <strong>and</strong> tobacco trade towards wine <strong>and</strong><br />

cigarette allowances for holiday makers, <strong>and</strong><br />

British farmers towards cheap food imports<br />

by supermarkets. Pluralism allows views to<br />

countervail each other, without regard to consistency<br />

with neo-liberal values.<br />

The fourth contextual point is that corporate<br />

communication is, mostly, public activity, even<br />

though its subject matter is sometimes about<br />

private behaviour. <strong>Corporate</strong> communicators<br />

are known <strong>and</strong> accountable <strong>of</strong>ficials for their<br />

organizations <strong>and</strong> their work is trackable<br />

(mostly). <strong>Corporate</strong> communication is the<br />

public relations <strong>of</strong> communication: public<br />

communicative relations <strong>of</strong> display-for-attention-<strong>and</strong>-advantage<br />

aimed at a distinct public<br />

‘other’. <strong>Corporate</strong> communication sometimes<br />

deal with private matters but mostly in a<br />

public way. For example, the pay rise <strong>of</strong> an<br />

© 2004 S<strong>and</strong>ra Oliver for editorial matter <strong>and</strong> selection;<br />

individual chapters, the contributors

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