Handbook of Corporate Communication and Public ... - Blogs Unpad
Handbook of Corporate Communication and Public ... - Blogs Unpad Handbook of Corporate Communication and Public ... - Blogs Unpad
But over time, both entrepreneurial (if they survive) and managerial owners may slip into the paternal mode often sacrificing market opportunities in order to sustain employment relationships characterised by loyalty and mutual responsibilities. The unprecedented contribution throughout the ages of family enterprise – rather than non-family enterprise – is well documented (Goffee, Rose, Payne, Habukkuk, Rudding, Chandler, Heath, Neubauer and Lank, Scott, Westhead and Cowling). This chapter briefly endeavours to understand more about this, by beginning at the role of the family enterprise during the development of the industrial era, examining how the family business enterprise played a key role in it, and by looking at how quoted and unquoted enterprises developed in this environment. It also seeks to examine briefly if communication played any role. Family businesses, which were instrumental in the industrialization of most countries, provide a continuing important dimension in modern economies worldwide (Rose, 1995). Payne (1984) in Rose, (1995) reports that in the British industrial revolution of the eighteenth century the power of heredity and the vitality of the family as an economic group was quite remarkable. Legal, economic and cultural forces of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries advanced the popularity of the family enterprise, and with the continuous threat of bankruptcy, the influence of common law partnership and unlimited liability meant that many businesses preferred to be associated with their family connections than with outsiders (Rose, 1995). Rose also suggests that the local community was the core of the business because business activity was localized, the causes of action were local and therefore the boundaries of the family firm regarding finance, managers and labourers were based/drawn from the local community. In explaining the developmental and change management role of the family enterprise in the eighteenth century in Britain, Habukkuk (1955) in Rose (1995) suggests that during the early period of industrialization family firms proved the principal agents of change, their rapid turnover providing the dynamism which fuelled the growth process. Family firms account for between 75 per cent and 99 per cent of all companies in the European Union, and for 65 per cent of GDP and employment in Europe (Rose, 1995). In the United States, one-third of Fortune 500 companies are family owned (FT 93). Beyond Europe and the United States, the family firm has been, and continues to be, the norm (Rose, 1995). Family businesses – mostly small – are the dynamic in Chinese capitalism leading to the significant transformation of Southeast and East Asian economies since the 1970s (Rudding in Rose, 1995). The corporate communication function, especially as a management tool, is not referred to nor specifically mentioned in the literature. Family enterprise owners and their managerial hierarchies are discussed by a number of writers (Chandler, Heath, Neubauer and Lank) in the context of enterprise development. Chandler in Rose (1995) says that due to the arrival of the large industrial family owned enterprise in the west the ease with which family management maintained itself in labour intensive fragmented industries was highlighted, and that in the capital-intensive, concentrated industries the recruitment of managerial hierarchies was necessary for enterprises to enter markets, survive in them and extend their market share. Similarly specific facilities and skills were required in other operational areas of the enterprise, e.g. production and distribution. In less complex production and distribution processes in © 2004 Sandra Oliver for editorial matter and selection; individual chapters, the contributors
smaller enterprises fewer hierarchies were needed, as with capital requirements: This theory suggests that members of the founder’s family were able to have a continuing say in top management decision making as either inside or outside directors in less technological less capital using industries, and that representatives of banks, other financial institutions and large investors had more influence as outside directors in the more complex and more capital using industries. (Chandler, in Rose, 1995) While Chandler makes no specific reference to the function of communication as a management tool, he introduces it indirectly as he explains the hierarchy theory in referring to capital-intensive industries entering markets, and as he distinguishes the directorship roles of insider and outsider directors in the decision-making process of the larger and the smaller enterprises. Further indirect reference to communication activity is made by Chandler (in Rose, 1995) as he states that the family owned firm persisted in Britain longer than elsewhere primarily because entrepreneurs in Britain and Ireland, which was part of the United Kingdom at this time in history), were reluctant to make substantial investment in new and other untried processes of production, nor were they progressive in their approach to investing in marketing, distribution, research and facilities, and they were reluctant to turn part of the enterprise’s administration over to nonfamily, salaried managers. Further evidence of the fundamental contribution family controlled and owned enterprises have made throughout recent centuries is the huge family fortunes that were established from pioneering economic activities in the early days of the United States, including rail construction, banking and manufacturing industry (Neubauer and Lank, 1998). Even after the separation of capital and management in the nineteenth century, the owning families continued to ‘call the shots’ when it came to directing enterprises at the highest levels. And in this day and age, when many of the better known corporations are owned by large numbers of dispersed anonymous shareholders (that is, they have lost their family business character), family controlled enterprises still generate between 45 per cent and 70 per cent of GNP of their respective countries. (Neubauer and Lank, 1998) During the 1980s and 1990s both in Europe and North America economic recessions allowed enterprises to drive these economies (Neubauer and Lank, 1998). Family-controlled and -owned enterprises created jobs, according to Neubauer and Lank (1998), and these enterprises were among the few that were successful enough to pay taxes and showed an agility and flexibility necessary to manoeuvre successfully in the troubled economic waters of their national economies: ‘The situation has been similar in other parts of the world. In Asia, for instance, family controlled enterprises, with their vitality, elasticity and tenacity, have driven the (at least until late 1997) much admired thriving economies of that part of the world’ (Neubauer and Lank, 1998). Scott (in Goffee, 1996) says that family businesses – and no distinction is made between listed or unquoted enterprises – continue to represent an important form of work organization within advanced industrial economies and suggests that most small and medium-sized enterprises are family concerns © 2004 Sandra Oliver for editorial matter and selection; individual chapters, the contributors
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But over time, both entrepreneurial (if they<br />
survive) <strong>and</strong> managerial owners may slip<br />
into the paternal mode <strong>of</strong>ten sacrificing<br />
market opportunities in order to sustain<br />
employment relationships characterised by<br />
loyalty <strong>and</strong> mutual responsibilities.<br />
The unprecedented contribution throughout<br />
the ages <strong>of</strong> family enterprise – rather than<br />
non-family enterprise – is well documented<br />
(G<strong>of</strong>fee, Rose, Payne, Habukkuk, Rudding,<br />
Ch<strong>and</strong>ler, Heath, Neubauer <strong>and</strong> Lank, Scott,<br />
Westhead <strong>and</strong> Cowling). This chapter briefly<br />
endeavours to underst<strong>and</strong> more about this, by<br />
beginning at the role <strong>of</strong> the family enterprise<br />
during the development <strong>of</strong> the industrial era,<br />
examining how the family business enterprise<br />
played a key role in it, <strong>and</strong> by looking at how<br />
quoted <strong>and</strong> unquoted enterprises developed<br />
in this environment. It also seeks to examine<br />
briefly if communication played any role.<br />
Family businesses, which were instrumental<br />
in the industrialization <strong>of</strong> most countries, provide<br />
a continuing important dimension in<br />
modern economies worldwide (Rose, 1995).<br />
Payne (1984) in Rose, (1995) reports that in<br />
the British industrial revolution <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />
century the power <strong>of</strong> heredity <strong>and</strong> the<br />
vitality <strong>of</strong> the family as an economic group<br />
was quite remarkable. Legal, economic <strong>and</strong><br />
cultural forces <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth <strong>and</strong> nineteenth<br />
centuries advanced the popularity <strong>of</strong><br />
the family enterprise, <strong>and</strong> with the continuous<br />
threat <strong>of</strong> bankruptcy, the influence <strong>of</strong><br />
common law partnership <strong>and</strong> unlimited liability<br />
meant that many businesses preferred to<br />
be associated with their family connections<br />
than with outsiders (Rose, 1995). Rose<br />
also suggests that the local community was<br />
the core <strong>of</strong> the business because business<br />
activity was localized, the causes <strong>of</strong> action<br />
were local <strong>and</strong> therefore the boundaries <strong>of</strong> the<br />
family firm regarding finance, managers <strong>and</strong><br />
labourers were based/drawn from the local<br />
community. In explaining the developmental<br />
<strong>and</strong> change management role <strong>of</strong> the family<br />
enterprise in the eighteenth century in Britain,<br />
Habukkuk (1955) in Rose (1995) suggests<br />
that during the early period <strong>of</strong> industrialization<br />
family firms proved the principal agents<br />
<strong>of</strong> change, their rapid turnover providing the<br />
dynamism which fuelled the growth process.<br />
Family firms account for between 75 per<br />
cent <strong>and</strong> 99 per cent <strong>of</strong> all companies in the<br />
European Union, <strong>and</strong> for 65 per cent <strong>of</strong> GDP<br />
<strong>and</strong> employment in Europe (Rose, 1995). In<br />
the United States, one-third <strong>of</strong> Fortune 500<br />
companies are family owned (FT 93). Beyond<br />
Europe <strong>and</strong> the United States, the family firm<br />
has been, <strong>and</strong> continues to be, the norm<br />
(Rose, 1995). Family businesses – mostly<br />
small – are the dynamic in Chinese capitalism<br />
leading to the significant transformation <strong>of</strong><br />
Southeast <strong>and</strong> East Asian economies since the<br />
1970s (Rudding in Rose, 1995). The corporate<br />
communication function, especially as a<br />
management tool, is not referred to nor<br />
specifically mentioned in the literature. Family<br />
enterprise owners <strong>and</strong> their managerial hierarchies<br />
are discussed by a number <strong>of</strong> writers<br />
(Ch<strong>and</strong>ler, Heath, Neubauer <strong>and</strong> Lank) in the<br />
context <strong>of</strong> enterprise development.<br />
Ch<strong>and</strong>ler in Rose (1995) says that due to<br />
the arrival <strong>of</strong> the large industrial family owned<br />
enterprise in the west the ease with which<br />
family management maintained itself in<br />
labour intensive fragmented industries was<br />
highlighted, <strong>and</strong> that in the capital-intensive,<br />
concentrated industries the recruitment <strong>of</strong><br />
managerial hierarchies was necessary for<br />
enterprises to enter markets, survive in them<br />
<strong>and</strong> extend their market share. Similarly<br />
specific facilities <strong>and</strong> skills were required in<br />
other operational areas <strong>of</strong> the enterprise,<br />
e.g. production <strong>and</strong> distribution. In less complex<br />
production <strong>and</strong> distribution processes in<br />
© 2004 S<strong>and</strong>ra Oliver for editorial matter <strong>and</strong> selection;<br />
individual chapters, the contributors