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Thus, Hinduism in Odisha, rather than being a monolithic discourse and practice, represented a confluence of diverse cults and sects, making it a marvellous mosaic. Moreover, the diversity among the subregions was quite evident. While coastal Odisha assiduously nurtured and preserved brah manical traditions, ceremonial purity, religious superstitions, and caste prejudices for centuries, a fairly large adivasi population living in the forests and highlands worshipped their own pantheon of gods and goddesses and followed shamanic practices. This diversity and plurality were homogenised with the evolution and consolidation of the Jagannath cult, which constituted the core of the religious, cultural, and political traditions of Odisha. However, the complexities of this homogenising cult were interesting – though Puri has the distinction of being the chief seat of brahmanical power, the iconography of Jagannath speaks of an adivasi origin. Thus, Hinduisation in Odisha subsumed both brahminism and shamanism, “great” traditions and “little” traditions. Second, the decision of a Saivite king to build a Jagannath (an incarnation of Vishnu) temple at Puri was a pragmatic and political response to the growing popularity of Vaishnavism. Since its inception, Jagannath has been seen as a legitimising agency for the rulers of Odisha. All those who have ruled Odisha – the Mughals, the Marathas, the East India Company, and even the leaders of the Odisha Unification Movement and the contemporary political leadership – have sought legitimacy by acknowledging the supra-temporal authority of Jagannath, at least notionally. After the Afghan subjugation of Odisha in 1568, Jagannath emerged as a key symbol of identity and unity among the territorially fragmented Odias. Muslims in Odisha’s Syncretic History The Afghan occupation of Odisha laid the foundation of a longterm Hindu-Muslim relationship. The Mughals replaced the Afghans in 1578 and ruled for nearly two centuries. In 1751, Odisha was passed on to the Marathas, who finally came under the British in 1803. The region’s “Muslim conquest” was not only late chronologically, but also failed to attain the strength and permanence it did in neighbouring Bengal. Unlike Bengal, conversion did not take place on a large scale in this stronghold of Hinduism. During the two centuries of Muslim rule, Jagannath and Puri were subject to attacks – beginning with Kalapahar, a Hindu convert, to Mutquad Khan (during Shah Jahan’s reign) and Taki Khan (during Aurangzeb’s reign). However, there were also notable exceptions. Akbar’s commander Man Singh forced the Afghans to agree to not attack the Jagannath temple. Man Singh’s wife built the Mukti Mandap, the seat of brahmin authority, inside the temple. Mir Habib, a confidant of Murshid Quli Khan, also promoted the cause of the Jagannath temple. The raja of Khurda, Ramachandra Deva II (18th century), embraced Islam, but tried to protect Jagannath from falling into the hands of the invading army of the subedar of Bengal, Bihar and Odisha. Interestingly, as the Madalapanji records, he was allowed to perform ritual services to Jagannath ODISHA despite being a convert. These exceptions facilitated the evolution of an enduring Hindu-Muslim syncretic tradition. Sal Beg, a 17th century Muslim poet, composed a large number of devotional songs in Odia dedicated to lord Jagannath. Today, he is a household name and his bhajans (devotional songs) have become an indispensable part of the temple rituals every morning. Hindus and Muslims continued to actively participate in each other’s religious festivals. The Muslim dalabehera (former military/administrative head) of Manikagada village was the hereditary marfatdar (custodian) of the village Durga puja for centuries. Muslims were active office-bearers in many Dussehra committees in Cuttack city, and Muslim singers, musicians, and artists performed in puja pandals (venues). A large number of Muslims took part in the immersion procession, which was in contrast to many other cities where Hindu-Muslim clashes took place during festivals. Similarly, Hindus participated in Eid celebrations and the Muharram procession. 1 Worship of Satya Pir has been a shared tradition, and palas (a form of balladry) represent the tradition of Hindu-Muslim syncretism. Hindus have deep faith in the Sufi and Pir tradition and flock to their shrines. At the shrine of Hazrat Bukhari Baba in Kaipadar, shirni/prasad (offerings), flowers, and sandalwood paste are sold only by Hindu shopkeepers whose forefathers were allotted sanands (records) for it. As there is a strong Sufi-folk intermingling in Odisha, some conversion to Islam perhaps occurred through the Sufi route. Some Muslims believe in Hindu astrology and make horoscopes for their children. Aminul Islam published an authentic Odia almanac in 1935 known as the Orissa Kohinoor Press Panjika. For Hindus, this Panjika has been an indispensable guide in their everyday rituals. Though published by a Muslim, it has found acceptance in the Jagannath temple and the rituals are conducted in accordance with its calculations. Over the centuries, many Persian and Arabic words were internalised by Odia writers and readers. Syncretism to Communalism These strong syncretic traditions, however, could not deter the entry of communal discourses. Soon after the creation of Orissa (Odisha) in 1936, the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League opened their branches in the new province and their leaders, particularly from Bengal, disseminated communal politics. While the Muslim League mobilised some Muslims to observe Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946 in Cuttack, the Hindu Mahasabha proposed forming a Hindu militia and defence committee in each village and distributed leaflets urging Hindus to boycott Muslims. While some Hindus protested against the Noakhali riots, the Muslim League in Odisha decided to raise a “Pakistan Fund”. Thus, it is clear that most of the Hindu-Muslim tension was in response to the communal situation outside Odisha. Unlike other places, it was neither violent nor vicious and hardly harboured any communal hatred (Kanungo 2003). Moreover, all Muslims did not support Muslim communal politics, and many “nationalist” Muslims condemned Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s “communal policy” and Economic & Political Weekly EPW APRIL 5, 2014 vol xlix no 14 49
ODISHA supported the Congress. Similarly, a large majority of Hindus shunned the communal politics of the Hindu Mahasabha. As a result, despite occasional eruptions of communal tension, no violent incidents occurred. But competitive communal mobilisations certainly germinated mistrust between the two communities. Hindutva’s Entry, Expansion and Emergence of Anti-Muslim Violence During the late 1940s, a few pracharaks (full-time propagandists) from neighbouring states visited the border areas of Odisha to begin Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) work. However, their activities suffered a setback after Mahatma Gandhi’s murder and the subsequent ban on the RSS. Soon after the ban was lifted in 1949, M S Golwalkar deputed Baburao Paldhikar as the prant (province) pracharak for Odisha. Paldhikar arrived in Cuttack and met notables such as Nilakantha Das, Godavaris Misra, Jadumani Mangaraj and Laxminarayan Sahu. These people, who were Congress dissidents and by and large social conservatives, extended support to the RSS. Nilakantha allowed the RSS to hold meetings on the premises of his printing press and went to Nagpur to preside over the Vijaya Dashami Utsav in 1950. It was thus that the RSS gained an initial foothold and legitimacy in the state. Paldhikar toured extensively and set up new units (shakhas) with the help of some dedicated Maharashtrian pracharaks. Golwalkar made annual visits and connected with Odia intellectuals through Pranakrishna Parija, an eminent educationist. During the 1966 Goraksha Andolan (cow protection movement), the RSS launched a signature campaign and won popular support because the cow was venerated across the state. Incidentally, the state government had already passed the Orissa Prevention of Cow Slaughter Act in 1960. Side by side, the RSS laid the foundation of the Sangh parivar in Odisha – the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) and its Odia mouthpiece Rashtradeepa were launched in 1964 and the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) in 1967. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) organised its first state conference in 1968, providing a platform for sadhus (holy men), feudal chiefs, politicians, businessmen, bureaucrats, and other notables. To check Christian missionaries, the VHP sent a Hindu missionary, Laxmanananda Saraswati, to Kandhamal/Phulbani. Thus, the Sangh parivar spread its wings from the coastal to the tribal areas by reaching out to various social strata. Around the same period, in March 1964, Odisha experienced its first communal riots in Rourkela. Special trains carrying Hindu refugees from East Pakistan had been stopping at Rourkela for food, and the tragic narratives of the refugees angered the public. The RSS reportedly instigated Hindus and created a communally charged atmosphere, which eventually led to communal riots killing 72 people. In November 1968, Cuttack experienced a major riot on the question of music before a mosque. Unlike the Rourkela riots, there was no killing but the rioters looted and set fire to the shops and houses of Muslims. Obviously, some Hindu businessmen of the city who were patrons of the RSS wanted to destroy Muslim businesses. 50 While the Communist Party of India (CPI) denounced the role of the RSS, the Swatantra-Jana Congress government did not find any substance in the allegation. A few communal riots took place during the Ram Janmabhoomi agitation in the early 1990s. By this time the Sangh parivar had strengthened and consolidated its social and political base. Participation in the anti-Emergency agitation and the subsequent sharing of political power as an important constituent of the Janata Party had raised the credibility of the RSS in Odisha. By the time the Sangh parivar launched the Ram Janmabhoomi agitation, it had expanded considerably. The parivar, as part of its national strategy, organised various rituals and yatras (religious processions) to mobilise Hindus in the state. Communal mobilisation led to riots in two cities with sizeable Muslim populations – Bhadrak in 1991 and Cuttack in 1992. While a few were killed in Bhadrak, only one person died in Cuttack. The secular Biju Patnaik government controlled the riots. In Cuttack, leaders of both communities cooperated to stop a communal conflagration. Muslim leaders in Cuttack think that the communal clashes in 1968 and 1992 cannot be classified as full-fledged riots as there was hardly any loss of life and effective intervention by the state and the close interactions in sahis/mohallas (local neighbourhoods) prevented a communal flare up. They believe that only a small section of Hindu extremists harbour communal feelings and that the overwhelming majority in the city still follow the old tradition of Hindu-Muslim bhaichara (fraternity). Though the Sangh parivar tried to construct a Muslim other on the issues of Kalapahar, cow slaughter, and Pakistan, the Muslim elite argues that all these constructions did not foster antagonism towards Muslims primarily because, unlike Christians, Muslims were not involved in religious conversion. While the Muslim perception about conversion may be right to some extent, on the issue of cow slaughter, Hindutva projects Muslims as the number one enemy in Odisha. 2 Christianity, Colonialism and Missionaries When the British took control of Odisha from the Marathas in 1803, they took special care not to disrespect lord Jagannath and offend the brahmins of Puri. The British were also pragmatic enough to take over the “superintendence and management” of the Jagannath temple and to continue with the Maratha practice of collecting a pilgrim tax. Missionaries criticised the government’s decision to become the “church warden” of Hindu deities as “un-Christian” and exerted constant pressure for it to sever its connection with idolatry. Claudius Buchanan and other missionaries sensationalised the “carnage” during the rath yatra (car festival) at Puri. Their account of so-called “holocausts”, which was hardly based on facts, stirred public opinion in England. For Christian missionaries, the Indian empire, in fundamental ways, was a “Hindu Raj” and the pilgrimage to Jagannath epitomised “suffering, loss of life and other evils” and was “the greatest scourge” (Frykenberg 2008). Ironically, the same missionaries saw it as a golden opportunity to evangelise at Puri – they distributed food, clothes, medicines, and the Bible to pilgrims as part of their evangelical mission. APRIL 5, 2014 vol xlix no 14 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
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