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Thus, Hinduism in Odisha, rather than being a monolithic<br />
discourse and practice, represented a confluence of diverse<br />
cults and sects, making it a marvellous mosaic. Moreover, the<br />
diversity among the subregions was quite evident. While<br />
coastal Odisha assiduously nurtured and preserved brah manical<br />
traditions, ceremonial purity, religious superstitions,<br />
and caste prejudices for centuries, a fairly large adivasi<br />
population living in the forests and highlands worshipped<br />
their own pantheon of gods and goddesses and followed<br />
shamanic practices.<br />
This diversity and plurality were homogenised with the evolution<br />
and consolidation of the Jagannath cult, which constituted<br />
the core of the religious, cultural, and political traditions<br />
of Odisha. However, the complexities of this homogenising<br />
cult were interesting – though Puri has the distinction of being<br />
the chief seat of brahmanical power, the iconography of<br />
Jagannath speaks of an adivasi origin. Thus, Hinduisation in<br />
Odisha subsumed both brahminism and shamanism, “great”<br />
traditions and “little” traditions. Second, the decision of a<br />
Saivite king to build a Jagannath (an incarnation of Vishnu)<br />
temple at Puri was a pragmatic and political response to the<br />
growing popularity of Vaishnavism. Since its inception, Jagannath<br />
has been seen as a legitimising agency for the rulers of<br />
Odisha. All those who have ruled Odisha – the Mughals, the<br />
Marathas, the East India Company, and even the leaders of the<br />
Odisha Unification Movement and the contemporary political<br />
leadership – have sought legitimacy by acknowledging the<br />
supra-temporal authority of Jagannath, at least notionally.<br />
After the Afghan subjugation of Odisha in 1568, Jagannath<br />
emerged as a key symbol of identity and unity among the<br />
territorially fragmented Odias.<br />
Muslims in Odisha’s Syncretic History<br />
The Afghan occupation of Odisha laid the foundation of a longterm<br />
Hindu-Muslim relationship. The Mughals replaced the<br />
Afghans in 1578 and ruled for nearly two centuries. In 1751,<br />
Odisha was passed on to the Marathas, who finally came under<br />
the British in 1803. The region’s “Muslim conquest” was not<br />
only late chronologically, but also failed to attain the strength<br />
and permanence it did in neighbouring Bengal. Unlike Bengal,<br />
conversion did not take place on a large scale in this stronghold<br />
of Hinduism.<br />
During the two centuries of Muslim rule, Jagannath and<br />
Puri were subject to attacks – beginning with Kalapahar, a<br />
Hindu convert, to Mutquad Khan (during Shah Jahan’s reign)<br />
and Taki Khan (during Aurangzeb’s reign). However, there<br />
were also notable exceptions. Akbar’s commander Man Singh<br />
forced the Afghans to agree to not attack the Jagannath<br />
temple. Man Singh’s wife built the Mukti Mandap, the seat of<br />
brahmin authority, inside the temple. Mir Habib, a confidant<br />
of Murshid Quli Khan, also promoted the cause of the<br />
Jagannath temple. The raja of Khurda, Ramachandra Deva II<br />
(18th century), embraced Islam, but tried to protect Jagannath<br />
from falling into the hands of the invading army of the subedar<br />
of Bengal, Bihar and Odisha. Interestingly, as the Madalapanji<br />
records, he was allowed to perform ritual services to Jagannath<br />
ODISHA<br />
despite being a convert. These exceptions facilitated the<br />
evolution of an enduring Hindu-Muslim syncretic tradition.<br />
Sal Beg, a 17th century Muslim poet, composed a large<br />
number of devotional songs in Odia dedicated to lord Jagannath.<br />
Today, he is a household name and his bhajans (devotional<br />
songs) have become an indispensable part of the temple<br />
rituals every morning. Hindus and Muslims continued to<br />
actively participate in each other’s religious festivals. The<br />
Muslim dalabehera (former military/administrative head) of<br />
Manikagada village was the hereditary marfatdar (custodian)<br />
of the village Durga puja for centuries. Muslims were active<br />
office-bearers in many Dussehra committees in Cuttack city,<br />
and Muslim singers, musicians, and artists performed in puja<br />
pandals (venues). A large number of Muslims took part in the<br />
immersion procession, which was in contrast to many other<br />
cities where Hindu-Muslim clashes took place during festivals.<br />
Similarly, Hindus participated in Eid celebrations and the<br />
Muharram procession. 1<br />
Worship of Satya Pir has been a shared tradition, and palas<br />
(a form of balladry) represent the tradition of Hindu-Muslim<br />
syncretism. Hindus have deep faith in the Sufi and Pir tradition<br />
and flock to their shrines. At the shrine of Hazrat Bukhari<br />
Baba in Kaipadar, shirni/prasad (offerings), flowers, and<br />
sandalwood paste are sold only by Hindu shopkeepers whose<br />
forefathers were allotted sanands (records) for it. As there is a<br />
strong Sufi-folk intermingling in Odisha, some conversion to<br />
Islam perhaps occurred through the Sufi route. Some Muslims<br />
believe in Hindu astrology and make horoscopes for their<br />
children. Aminul Islam published an authentic Odia almanac<br />
in 1935 known as the Orissa Kohinoor Press Panjika. For<br />
Hindus, this Panjika has been an indispensable guide in their<br />
everyday rituals. Though published by a Muslim, it has found<br />
acceptance in the Jagannath temple and the rituals are<br />
conducted in accordance with its calculations. Over the centuries,<br />
many Persian and Arabic words were internalised by Odia<br />
writers and readers.<br />
Syncretism to Communalism<br />
These strong syncretic traditions, however, could not deter the<br />
entry of communal discourses. Soon after the creation of Orissa<br />
(Odisha) in 1936, the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League<br />
opened their branches in the new province and their leaders,<br />
particularly from Bengal, disseminated communal politics.<br />
While the Muslim League mobilised some Muslims to observe<br />
Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946 in Cuttack, the Hindu<br />
Mahasabha proposed forming a Hindu militia and defence<br />
committee in each village and distributed leaflets urging<br />
Hindus to boycott Muslims. While some Hindus protested<br />
against the Noakhali riots, the Muslim League in Odisha<br />
decided to raise a “Pakistan Fund”. Thus, it is clear that most of<br />
the Hindu-Muslim tension was in response to the communal<br />
situation outside Odisha. Unlike other places, it was neither<br />
violent nor vicious and hardly harboured any communal<br />
hatred (Kanungo 2003). Moreover, all Muslims did not support<br />
Muslim communal politics, and many “nationalist” Muslims<br />
condemned Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s “communal policy” and<br />
Economic & Political Weekly EPW APRIL 5, 2014 vol xlix no 14 49