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Caspian Report - Issue: 07 - Spring 2014

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cessful are actually pursuing their<br />

desire to gain a greater share in the<br />

economic wealth that will follow.<br />

There are similarities between their<br />

benefits and the international actors<br />

at the table. The other side of this<br />

equation is the interests of the given<br />

system and the expectations in case<br />

the negotiations fail.<br />

Khamenei is the most influential person<br />

in the Iranian power matrix, and<br />

he remains at the centre of all the<br />

power balancing. The reason he supports<br />

nuclear negotiations lies in the<br />

internal and external dynamics he<br />

faces. With the events of 2009, the<br />

opposition acquired political energy<br />

through public support; this entailed<br />

a process of alienation to the regime.<br />

These events should have been managed<br />

before they reached a devastating<br />

point. 14 It was impossible to do<br />

this without shedding the burden of<br />

economic sanctions. The increasing<br />

influence of the groups who mobilised<br />

against Khatami and Ahmadinejad<br />

should have been managed<br />

before they became a threat. 15 Moreover,<br />

the Obama administration’s desire<br />

to reduce U.S. engagement in the<br />

Middle East extended the bargaining<br />

ground. It should be recalled that<br />

there was an expectation that following<br />

its withdrawal from Iraq, the U.S.<br />

would seek to establish pragmatic<br />

collaboration with Iran rather than<br />

chasing a regime change. In this way,<br />

Rouhani - famous for his pragmatism<br />

despite his position at the core of the<br />

regime- has found a way to meet the<br />

needs and expectations in question.<br />

Khamenei is the most influential person<br />

in the Iranian power matrix, and he<br />

remains at the centre of all the power<br />

balancing.<br />

On the U.S. side, the vision and policy<br />

changes that have occurred under<br />

the Obama government play a major<br />

role in today’s structure. Firstly,<br />

the U.S. government tried to develop<br />

a new perspective for the Middle<br />

East while shifting the foreign policy<br />

axis to Asia, and started to implement<br />

projects to end its energy dependence<br />

on the region. 16 Then it<br />

dealt with the Israeli security issue<br />

in a way that the Israeli right wing<br />

did not appreciate. According to<br />

Washington, signing a peace agreement<br />

with Palestine in the evolving<br />

Middle East will not only ensure Israel’s<br />

security, but also pave the way<br />

for its rise in the region. The political<br />

psychology based on the tension<br />

between religious sects - which escalated<br />

with the Syrian civil war - increased<br />

Israel’s room for manoeuvre.<br />

If Israel were to sign a peace agreement,<br />

it would find new allies within<br />

regional balances. Moreover, a possible<br />

agreement would facilitate Iran’s<br />

return to the system.<br />

59<br />

CASPIAN REPORT, SPRING <strong>2014</strong><br />

14.<br />

For the “Green Movement” in Iran and its consequences, see Hamid Dabashi, The Green<br />

Movement in Iran, Transaction Publishers, 2011.<br />

15.<br />

For the thesis claiming that the increasing power of the Revolutionary Guards in Iran can change<br />

the regime in the country, see Ali Alfoneh, Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards Is<br />

Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, AEI Press, 2013.<br />

16.<br />

Robert D. Blackwill and Meghan L. O’Sullivan, “The Geopolitical Consequences of the Shale<br />

Revolution”, Foreign Affairs, March/April <strong>2014</strong>.

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