Caspian Report - Issue: 07 - Spring 2014

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View of the old town Ostuni, Puglia, Italy. Davide Tabarelli 50 ers, some 200 billion cubic meters per year (bcm/y) of additional gas up to 2030. Russia will not be able to cover the full scope of this demand, and there will be plenty of room left for gas supplies through South Stream, the other gigantic gas line that will bring Siberian gas to Europe through the so-called northern corridor. Thus, we should ask ourselves why this project is facing such a fierce opposition from the South of Italy. The answer is complex, with its roots reaching back centuries into the history of the poorest part of the country, where economic development, imposed from central governments with controversial results, has never been really achieved. Lagging behind the rest of the EU, the south of Italy is one of the weakest parts of the EU, with average levels of unemployment close to 20%, reaching peaks of 40% among the youngest. Emigration from has been a constant feature of the past century and has re-emerged as a major trend with the latest economic crisis forcing thousands of people to look for jobs abroad. Experience teaches us that as a territory develops, its inhabitants become increasingly familiar with industrial infrastructures, and thus it is more likely that the realisation of a new project will succeed. What has often happened in the past is that investors in the southern Italian regions anticipated a welcome from local authorities and people, since they thought they were bringing new opportunities for local development. But in the last few years, the opposite has happened. A very strong negative perception of any kind of industry grew in precisely those poor areas where industrial development could have helped most. This is a common problem all over Italy, where the media tends to focus on the negative impacts connected to pollution, deaths, and contamination. Due to this negative campaigning, factories, or any kind of investment, are seen as bringing harmful changes. As a consequence, the positive impacts on employment and economic development are ignored. Apulia Region has a complex relationship with industrial infrastructures,

as illustrated by the Ilva case. Ilva is Europe’s biggest steel factory, located near Taranto, 130 km from San Foca, and owned by the Riva Group, one of world’s largest steelmakers. In July 2012, Ilva was forced to close after a judge ordered an asset freeze in an environmental probe. The court dispute centres on studies suggesting that up to 386 people might have died of cancer over the past 13 years, and that people living downwind of fumes from the plant have suffered negative health effects. The history of the Ilva industrial complex dates back to the beginning of the 20th century. The developments of July 2012 are a single chapter in a very long struggle involving the plant’s high pollution levels, environmental risks and employment issues: the factory employed some 12,000 workers, and it was the largest private employer in the Apulia Region. The needs and the feelings of the local population on the subject were expressed on April 14, 2013, when a referendum on the future of Ilva took place. Asked if they wanted the plant to shut down i, the majority of the population (80.4%) did not vote, indirectly supporting the preservation of workplaces. The big coal plant of Cerano, located 10 km south of Brindisi and 40 km north of Melodugno, also faces heavy criticism. It is a 2,600 MW plant that burns imported coal. Given the low price of coal compared to gas, it is running at full speed. According to environmentalists, it is one of Europe’s most polluting plants. In reality it is an efficient and modern plant emitting a lot of CO 2 simply because it produces a lot of electricity using large quantities of fossil fuel. Brindisi is famous for its international gas industry, particularly for Brindisi is famous for its international gas industry, particularly for the LNG terminal that BG fought - unsuccessfully - to build for almost a decade. the LNG terminal that BG fought - unsuccessfully - to build for almost a decade. The project, along with ten more all over Italy, was drawn up at the beginning of the 1970s and. Then, having been forgotten for years, it was resurrected in 2000 by the UK gas company. At the beginning, the proposal was welcomed, but immediately delays emerged. In August 2001, the UK Prime Minister Tony Blair sent a letter to the Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi complaining about the delays in the development of the project. The Berlusconi government then forced Enel, the Italian power utility, to enter into the project, in a bid to speed up the process. However, that did not happen, and later in 2005, Enel, having understood the difficulties facing the LNG terminal, decided to drop out. Despite all the legislative and bureaucratic hurdles, the British company succeeded in obtaining the relevant authorisations from local authorities, but new elections in 2006 brought a new administration that rejected and appealed against it. Then, an investigation into bribes paid to obtain the first authorisation was launched, bringing further problems. The drop in domestic gas consumption, linked to the 2008 economic crisis, made the project much less attractive. Finally, in March 2012, after eleven years and an investment 51 CASPIAN REPORT, SPRING 2014

as illustrated by the Ilva case. Ilva is<br />

Europe’s biggest steel factory, located<br />

near Taranto, 130 km from San Foca,<br />

and owned by the Riva Group, one of<br />

world’s largest steelmakers. In July<br />

2012, Ilva was forced to close after<br />

a judge ordered an asset freeze in<br />

an environmental probe. The court<br />

dispute centres on studies suggesting<br />

that up to 386 people might have<br />

died of cancer over the past 13 years,<br />

and that people living downwind of<br />

fumes from the plant have suffered<br />

negative health effects. The history<br />

of the Ilva industrial complex dates<br />

back to the beginning of the 20th century.<br />

The developments of July 2012<br />

are a single chapter in a very long<br />

struggle involving the plant’s high<br />

pollution levels, environmental risks<br />

and employment issues: the factory<br />

employed some 12,000 workers, and<br />

it was the largest private employer<br />

in the Apulia Region. The needs and<br />

the feelings of the local population on<br />

the subject were expressed on April<br />

14, 2013, when a referendum on the<br />

future of Ilva took place. Asked if they<br />

wanted the plant to shut down i, the<br />

majority of the population (80.4%)<br />

did not vote, indirectly supporting<br />

the preservation of workplaces.<br />

The big coal plant of Cerano, located<br />

10 km south of Brindisi and 40 km<br />

north of Melodugno, also faces heavy<br />

criticism. It is a 2,600 MW plant that<br />

burns imported coal. Given the low<br />

price of coal compared to gas, it is<br />

running at full speed. According to<br />

environmentalists, it is one of Europe’s<br />

most polluting plants. In reality<br />

it is an efficient and modern plant<br />

emitting a lot of CO 2<br />

simply because<br />

it produces a lot of electricity using<br />

large quantities of fossil fuel.<br />

Brindisi is famous for its international<br />

gas industry, particularly for<br />

Brindisi is famous for its international gas<br />

industry, particularly for the LNG terminal<br />

that BG fought - unsuccessfully - to build for<br />

almost a decade.<br />

the LNG terminal that BG fought - unsuccessfully<br />

- to build for almost a<br />

decade. The project, along with ten<br />

more all over Italy, was drawn up at<br />

the beginning of the 1970s and. Then,<br />

having been forgotten for years, it<br />

was resurrected in 2000 by the UK<br />

gas company. At the beginning, the<br />

proposal was welcomed, but immediately<br />

delays emerged. In August 2001,<br />

the UK Prime Minister Tony Blair sent<br />

a letter to the Italian Prime Minister<br />

Silvio Berlusconi complaining about<br />

the delays in the development of the<br />

project. The Berlusconi government<br />

then forced Enel, the Italian power<br />

utility, to enter into the project, in a<br />

bid to speed up the process. However,<br />

that did not happen, and later in 2005,<br />

Enel, having understood the difficulties<br />

facing the LNG terminal, decided<br />

to drop out. Despite all the legislative<br />

and bureaucratic hurdles, the British<br />

company succeeded in obtaining<br />

the relevant authorisations from local<br />

authorities, but new elections in<br />

2006 brought a new administration<br />

that rejected and appealed against<br />

it. Then, an investigation into bribes<br />

paid to obtain the first authorisation<br />

was launched, bringing further<br />

problems. The drop in domestic gas<br />

consumption, linked to the 2008 economic<br />

crisis, made the project much<br />

less attractive. Finally, in March 2012,<br />

after eleven years and an investment<br />

51<br />

CASPIAN REPORT, SPRING <strong>2014</strong>

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