Caspian Report - Issue: 07 - Spring 2014
Aura Sabadus 36 The criticism has gained traction in the light of the recent breakdown in relations between Moscow and Kiev, as Russia is expected to press ahead with the construction of South Stream as an alternative transit route to that offered by Ukraine. In this context, the physical deliverability of the Southern Gas Corridor will be tested on three accounts. The first test surrounds the ability of SGC to compete against South Stream, pitted in a David versus Goliath battle to capture EU markets. The 10 bcm/year expected to reach Southern Europe through TAP by 2019 has already been pledged under long-term contracts signed between the Shah Deniz partners and the recipients of the gas. However, any attempts by the Shah Deniz partners to ramp up exports once Azerbaijan increases its production from the current 28 bcm/ year to 55 bcm/year by 2020 may be stymied by the deluge of Russian gas reaching central and South Eastern Europe within a few years, saturating a region that already has low demand for the fuel. South Stream is designed to transport gas to Italy via Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary and possibly Austria. It also aims to reach Western Balkan countries such as Croatia and Slovenia. The second question refers to the battle for the control of infrastructure assets along the route. Cohen points out that in 2007-2008, Moscow completed acquisitions of pipelines and storage facilities in Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary and Austria in preparation for the rollout of the South Stream project. 10 Last year, Russia’s Gazprom and its Russian proxy, Sintez, attempted to purchase both the Greek incumbent DEPA and its subsidiary, the transmission system operator DESFA. The combined takeover would have given Russia control over Greece’s infrastructure and market. However, Russia pulled out of the tenders amid warnings that the takeover would contravene EU competition laws. In December last year, Azerbaijan’s incumbent SO- CAR, and one of the main partners in the SGC, was awarded a 66% share of DESFA. Russia already has an overwhelming grip on Europe’s pipelines, either through the legacy of the Soviet energy grid that placed central and Eastern European countries under the control of Moscow in a manner that remains difficult to alter, 11 or through the purchase of cheap assets in the energy sectors of these states immediately after the collapse of communism. The third question refers to the degree of flexibility and penetration that the Southern Gas Corridor will have in markets adjoining its route. South Stream proposes building spurs alongside the trunk line to feed the smaller western Balkan 10. Cohen, A., (2009), p. 94, “Russia: The Flawed Energy Superpower” in Energy Security Challenges for the 21st Century: A Reference Handbook, ed. Gal Luft and Anne Korin (Greenwood Publishing Group: Santa Barbara, California) 11. Jaffe, A.M, Soligo, R., (2009), p. 122 “Energy Security: The Russian Connection,” in Energy Security and Global Politics, ed. Daniel Moran and James A. Russell (Routlege, London)
states, potentially capturing market share targeted by SGC. Similarly, SGC hopes to reach out to Bulgaria through the Interconnector Greece- Bulgaria (IGB), which will have a capacity of one billion cubic metres per year and is expected to be financed and built by TAP. However, it will come up against competition from South Stream, which also targets the Bulgarian market. In sum, the question that emerges is: to what extent can the Southern Gas Corridor ensure the competitive delivery of gas in the long-term in a manner that fulfils Europe’s diversification goals in its vulnerable south eastern region The answer is straightforward – by offering everything that Russia will not. In its current form, the Southern Gas Corridor may not bring much added value to that already touted by South Stream. To a significant degree, both the SGC through TAP and South Stream will vie for the same European markets, including the largest along their routes - Italy. On the other hand, TAP has already been granted a 25-year exemption from third party access (TPA), placing its operators in control over midstream assets and barring adjacent countries from off-taking volumes. Russia is seeking a similar exemption, and at the time of writing the Bulgarian parliament expects to modify its domestic law to prevent TPA to South Stream. The EU, as the supporter of the SGC and the stakeholders of the SGC itself, should promote, finance and the question that emerges is: to what extent can the Southern Gas Corridor ensure the competitive delivery of gas in the long-term in a manner that fulfils Europe’s diversification goals in its vulnerable south eastern region develop small-scale interconnectors among regional countries and allow the free flow of any additional volumes that would come on stream once production is increased in Azerbaijan. These interconnectors should be linked either directly or indirectly to TAP, allowing regional countries access to Caspian gas. The connecting lines, already identified by the EU as projects of common interest (PCI) should facilitate reverse flows between Turkey and Bulgaria, Bulgaria and Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania, Romania and Hungary, Croatia and Slovenia, Austria and Italy. With such a network of small-scale interconnectors, Caspian volumes would reach deep not only in the southern part of the continent, but also into central and Eastern Europe, ensuring greater security of supply and the integration of regional markets. They would also facilitate the free access and use of underground storage facilities across the region. Crucially, the free flow of Caspian gas through regional interconnectors would challenge Russia’s control over infrastructure and markets. In conclusion, the only way for the Southern Gas Corridor to be competitive in the long run, and to ensure that its ambitions for growth are not thwarted by Russia or any 37 CASPIAN REPORT, SPRING 2014
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Aura Sabadus<br />
36<br />
The criticism has gained traction in<br />
the light of the recent breakdown<br />
in relations between Moscow and<br />
Kiev, as Russia is expected to press<br />
ahead with the construction of South<br />
Stream as an alternative transit<br />
route to that offered by Ukraine. In<br />
this context, the physical deliverability<br />
of the Southern Gas Corridor will<br />
be tested on three accounts.<br />
The first test surrounds the ability<br />
of SGC to compete against South<br />
Stream, pitted in a David versus Goliath<br />
battle to capture EU markets.<br />
The 10 bcm/year expected to reach<br />
Southern Europe through TAP by<br />
2019 has already been pledged under<br />
long-term contracts signed between<br />
the Shah Deniz partners and<br />
the recipients of the gas.<br />
However, any attempts by the Shah<br />
Deniz partners to ramp up exports<br />
once Azerbaijan increases its production<br />
from the current 28 bcm/<br />
year to 55 bcm/year by 2020 may<br />
be stymied by the deluge of Russian<br />
gas reaching central and South Eastern<br />
Europe within a few years, saturating<br />
a region that already has low<br />
demand for the fuel. South Stream is<br />
designed to transport gas to Italy via<br />
Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary and possibly<br />
Austria. It also aims to reach<br />
Western Balkan countries such as<br />
Croatia and Slovenia.<br />
The second question refers to the<br />
battle for the control of infrastructure<br />
assets along the route. Cohen<br />
points out that in 20<strong>07</strong>-2008, Moscow<br />
completed acquisitions of pipelines<br />
and storage facilities in Bulgaria,<br />
Serbia, Hungary and Austria<br />
in preparation for the rollout of the<br />
South Stream project. 10 Last year,<br />
Russia’s Gazprom and its Russian<br />
proxy, Sintez, attempted to purchase<br />
both the Greek incumbent DEPA and<br />
its subsidiary, the transmission system<br />
operator DESFA. The combined<br />
takeover would have given Russia<br />
control over Greece’s infrastructure<br />
and market. However, Russia pulled<br />
out of the tenders amid warnings<br />
that the takeover would contravene<br />
EU competition laws. In December<br />
last year, Azerbaijan’s incumbent SO-<br />
CAR, and one of the main partners in<br />
the SGC, was awarded a 66% share<br />
of DESFA.<br />
Russia already has an overwhelming<br />
grip on Europe’s pipelines, either<br />
through the legacy of the Soviet<br />
energy grid that placed central and<br />
Eastern European countries under<br />
the control of Moscow in a manner<br />
that remains difficult to alter, 11 or<br />
through the purchase of cheap assets<br />
in the energy sectors of these<br />
states immediately after the collapse<br />
of communism.<br />
The third question refers to the degree<br />
of flexibility and penetration<br />
that the Southern Gas Corridor will<br />
have in markets adjoining its route.<br />
South Stream proposes building<br />
spurs alongside the trunk line to<br />
feed the smaller western Balkan<br />
10.<br />
Cohen, A., (2009), p. 94, “Russia: The Flawed Energy Superpower” in Energy Security Challenges<br />
for the 21st Century: A Reference Handbook, ed. Gal Luft and Anne Korin (Greenwood Publishing<br />
Group: Santa Barbara, California)<br />
11.<br />
Jaffe, A.M, Soligo, R., (2009), p. 122 “Energy Security: The Russian Connection,” in Energy Security<br />
and Global Politics, ed. Daniel Moran and James A. Russell (Routlege, London)