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8 FEATURE The Pitfalls of Reform: Japan under the DPJ by: Dennis D. Trinidad For 38 years, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) held an undisputed majority position in the Japanese Diet. During its rule, it cultivated close ties with the bureaucracy and big business conglomerates. This triangular relationship became the basis of a tripod-model of governance which was committed to economic development, safeguarded the security alliance with the United States and protected the interests of big businesses from foreign competition. But nothing lasts forever. In 1993, a coalition of non- LDP parties in the Diet was formed. In a seemingly desperate move to maintain power, the LDP had to coalesce with other political parties during the rest of the decade. Since then, the political base of the LDP had dwindled especially in the urban areas. In August 2009, for the first time a non-LDP party won an undisputable majority seats in the Lower House. This was significant since under a parliamentary system, the ruling majority party gets the privilege of selecting from among its members the country’s Prime Minister. In Japan, the President of the ruling party becomes the Prime Minister. Hence, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) elected Mr. Yukio Hatoyama as Prime Minister. Academics and pundits gave a mixed interpretation of this phenomenon. To some, the victory of the DPJ was a regime shift, an end to LDP dominance and the beginning of a more competitive election in Japan, while others regard it as nothing but another change of leadership. The regime remains essentially the same. Anyhow, the party issued a Manifesto that year which contained the policy direction of the DPJ. One of its highlights is DPJ’s pursuit of an ‘independent’ diplomacy in the conduct of Japan’s foreign relations. Several months after, however, the DPJ experienced its worst setback yet. Unable to fulfill his pledge of moving a U.S. air base off Okinawa, Prime Minister Hatoyama was forced to resign. His successor, Mr. Naoto Kan, declared that he planned to slash the huge government deficit by introducing new tax measures and cuts in government expenditures, contrary to the LDP’s penchant for deficit spending in the past. The DPJ kingpin, Ozawa Ichiro would later charge that the party’s loss in the recent Upper House election was due to this announcement. The Manifesto also puts into question several policies and institutions that the LDP had nurtured over the years of its administration. At the center of this is the primacy of US-Japan security alliance and bureaucratic dominance in policy making. Will the new leadership bring significant changes to Japan’s long-standing policy posture both domestically and internationally What are the significant implications of DPJ’s rule on Japan’s domestic politics, foreign policies, and diplomatic ties with the region These were the central themes of the recently concluded international conference that was jointly sponsored by the Japan studies program under the International Studies Department of De La Salle University and the Japan Foundation-Manila, in cooperation with the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA) and the Yuchengco Center. The main objective of the said conference was to bring together scholars and specialists on East Asia to discuss the political realignment in Japanese politics. Three panels were formed to achieve this aim. The first panel clarified the structural causes of the DPJ’s rise to power and the eventual downfall of the LDP and with it, the 1955 system itself. Dr. Jimbo of Keio University attributed the crushing defeat of the LDP in 2009 General Elections to the structural change in Japanese society and the LDP’s inability to respond effectively to this change. He also noted that the neoliberal reforms of former Prime Ministers Hashimoto and Koizumi have produced unexpected social problems such as the rise of “freeters” and high unemployment rate in Japan. The DPJ has capitalized on these issues, promised to overhaul the budget in its campaign, reshuffle government spending and reform International Conference on Japanese Studies “ Rise of the DPJ: Regime Shift and Regional Implication” 9 August 2010, Mandarin Oriental Hotel, Makati City (Photo courtesy of DLSU)
FEATURE 9 Photo courtesy of DLSU Mr. Ben Suzuki, former Director of The Japan Foundation, Manila (1st row, 2nd from left) with other sponsors, organizers and resource persons of the “Rise of the DPJ: Regime Shift and Regional Implication”; the international conference was sponsored by the Japan Foundation, the Asian Political and International Studies Association , the Yuchengco Center and the International Studies Department of the De La Salle University. Japan’s decision-making process into a politically-driven process where politicians are actively involved in all stages of policy formulation. In another paper, the institutional setting behind the process of alternating governments and the strategies political elites in Japan have adopted to deal with them were explored from a historical perspective. For example, the changing nature of Japanese voters such as the shrinking agricultural population following the rapid economic growth in the 1960s, and the multiple-member district rule which led to increasing competition among LDP candidates contesting in the same constituency brought about changes in electoral campaign strategies of LDP candidates. In the age of experience economy, Dr. Schafferer argued, the “elections are staged events and participants want to obtain memorable experiences… where the increasing importance of the independent voter made the new entertainment concept very attractive to political parties.” In the second panel, Professor Ganesan discussed Japan’s traditional foreign policy posture in relation to DPJ’s policy preferences as stated in the Manifesto. He later concluded that pursuing these policies would have to depend on the ongoing strained relations with the US, fluidity of domestic politics, fluidity of LDP’s leadership situation and structural realities of regional order, particularly the reconfiguration of East Asia in the advent of China’s rise. The other presenter, Dr. Howe, highlighted the demographics as well as the internal and external constituencies in foreign policy. The linkage between domestic and international structures is important in understanding Japan’s foreign policy posture. He mentioned, for instance, that Article 9 of the constitution and the public’s negative reaction to the concept of a ‘Normal Japan’ has paved the way for Japan’s active involvement in non-traditional security issues in international affairs. He also highlighted the growing importance of public opinion and powerful media interests in the decision making of the government. In the third and final panel, Dr. Asato of Kyoto University gave a comprehensive discussion of one aspect of Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (JPEPA). In the lecture, he clarified the current condition of and the issues surrounding the movement of natural persons, especially nurse candidates and healthcare worker candidates. The other speaker, Dr. Camacho, reviewed Japan’s ODA to the Philippines, the pattern of disbursements, how Japanese aid was spent, and where it was used. Is there really a regime shift Is there a significant departure from the 1955 system The DPJ manifesto has called for reform of the policy-making process which under the 1955 system was dominated by bureaucrats. The DPJ introduced the National Strategy Unit as part of the reform in the policy process but Prime Minister Kan scaled down its mission. What this means is that the bureaucracy would still remain at the center of policy formulation. This shows that so far, there is continuity in the bureaucracyled policy-making process under the 1955 system. However, it is apparent that the victory of the DPJ last August 2009 shows that Japan is moving towards more competitive elections. The LDP no longer monopolizes the electoral process and needs to reinvent itself to stay relevant in the ever changing domestic and international realities. What is the significant regional implication of DPJ’s rise to power to Japan’s foreign policy The party manifesto declares that the DPJ desires to have an independent and a more equal relationship with the United States. It also asserts its membership to Asia. However, the DPJ does not know how to achieve this. What is certain is that it wants to review the U.S. bases in Japan but given the growing political and military clout of China and the lingering issue of nuclearization of the Korean peninsula, the regional situation pushes Japan to rely more on the U.S. for its national security. Thus, given both internal and external realities, the DPJ would have to scale down in its “independent diplomacy”. As election for the Lower House approaches, the DPJ will have to soften its stance on several policy issues, especially the unpopular ones, if it wants to remain in power. Its poor showing in the recently held Upper House election is an indication of a dwindling political base. Prime Minister Naoto Kan and his cohorts could not just simply ignore the domestic and international realities in its decision making. Dennis D. Trinidad is Associate Professor and Japanese Studies Coordinator at De La Salle University-Manila.
Page 1 and 2: ISSN 0118-7910 Volume XIV Issue 2 N
Page 3 and 4: Farewell / Welcome Greetings 3 Dear
Page 5 and 6: HIGHLIGHT 5 Photo courtesy of Toru
Page 7: 7 Photos courtesy of BBIEAF his wor
Page 11 and 12: FEATURE 11 Enjoying the sumptuous m
Page 13 and 14: I realized that the common challeng
Page 15 and 16: People • Events • Places 15 Par

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