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Hazar World - Sayı: 24 - Kasım 2014

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Bölgede Türk ordusunun Irak veya<br />

Suriye’de askeri operasyon başlatması<br />

halinde, Suriye ordusu, Hizbullah milisleri<br />

ve İran’ın paramiliter kuvvetleriyle savaş<br />

riskini ortaya çıkararak, harekâtın dolaylı<br />

olarak Suriye topraklarında Türk-İran<br />

çatışmasına yol açma riskinin yüksek olduğu<br />

biliniyor. Öte yandan uluslararası hukuka<br />

göre, Türkiye’nin ancak BM Güvenlik<br />

Konseyi tarafından alınacak yetki ile harekete<br />

geçebileceği gözden kaçırılmamalı. Bu<br />

gelişmelerin yanı sıra, Ankara, Türkiye’yi<br />

IŞİD’e karşı yapılacak saldırılarda “launching<br />

pad” (atış rampası) durumuna sokacak<br />

planları askeri ve siyasal açıdan ihtiyatla<br />

karşılıyor. Türkiye, İncirlik Hava Üssü’nü,<br />

tam olarak koalisyon hava gücüne açmasa<br />

dahi, ABD, hâlihazırda insansız hava araçları<br />

aracılığıyla Irak hava sahası üzerinde<br />

keşif uçuşları için tam etkinliği ile kullanıyor.<br />

02<br />

NATO Genel Sekreteri<br />

Jens Stoltenberg ve<br />

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti<br />

Dışişleri Bakanı Mevlüt<br />

Çavuşoğlu.<br />

02<br />

NATO Secretary General<br />

Jens Stoltenberg and<br />

Turkish Minister of<br />

Foreign Affairs Mevlüt<br />

Çavuşoğlu.<br />

ABD’NİN KOBANİ YAKLAŞIMINDAKİ TEMEL<br />

PARAMETRELER<br />

ABD’nin IŞİD’le mücadelede benimsediği<br />

mevcut stratejisinde, Suriye Esad rejimi birregion<br />

are considered, an air operation<br />

which lacks sufficient and high firepower<br />

land forces will fail. This situation<br />

may prolong the war, increase the death<br />

rate among civilians and lead to a new<br />

violence cycle that will make the region<br />

unstable for several decades.<br />

However when mass immigration confronted<br />

by Syria, the collapsed bureaucracy<br />

and the ongoing civil war are considered,<br />

it seems inevitable that a new<br />

fight will change the borders via PKK,<br />

PYD and YPG’s gaining control of the<br />

region with the military and political aid<br />

offered by the West. As a matter of fact,<br />

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said,<br />

“There is no difference between PKK<br />

and PYD”. In the meeting held in<br />

Duhok, PYD declared autonomy in<br />

Afrin, Cezire and Kobani. However, ISIS<br />

or PYD’s control of our borders with<br />

Syria and Iraq which is 1250 km long is<br />

unacceptable for the national security of<br />

Turkey. Turkey, despite all these negative<br />

aspects, have opened its borders for<br />

200.000 Kobani refugees in addition to<br />

1.6 million Syrian refugees in Turkey.<br />

In case Turkish Army initiates a military<br />

operation in Iraq or Syria, such an<br />

operation will trigger the risk of a war<br />

with the Syrian army, Hezbollah militia<br />

and Iran’s paramilitary forces and will<br />

indirectly lead to a Turkish-Iran conflict<br />

in Syrian territories. On the other hand,<br />

according to international law, one<br />

should not miss the fact that Turkey can<br />

only act under the authority to be granted<br />

by UN Security Council. Apart from<br />

these developments, Ankara cautiously<br />

considers the plans in which Turkey<br />

becomes a launching pad in the attacks<br />

against ISIS in military and political<br />

aspects. Even yet Turkey has not opened<br />

the İncirlik Air Base to the air force of<br />

coalition, USA utilizes it in full function<br />

via unmanned drones for exploration<br />

over Iraq air zone.<br />

BASIC PARAMETERS OF USA’S<br />

APPROACH TO KOBANI<br />

In the current strategy of USA against<br />

ISIS, we observe that military forces<br />

and facilities of the Assad regime in<br />

Syria are being kept out of target and an<br />

intelligence cooperation is established<br />

with Damascus. As a result, ongoing<br />

conflicts in the region are expected to<br />

further intensify. We can say that<br />

HAZAR WORLD<br />

19

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