Hazar World - Sayı: 24 - Kasım 2014
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Bölgede Türk ordusunun Irak veya<br />
Suriye’de askeri operasyon başlatması<br />
halinde, Suriye ordusu, Hizbullah milisleri<br />
ve İran’ın paramiliter kuvvetleriyle savaş<br />
riskini ortaya çıkararak, harekâtın dolaylı<br />
olarak Suriye topraklarında Türk-İran<br />
çatışmasına yol açma riskinin yüksek olduğu<br />
biliniyor. Öte yandan uluslararası hukuka<br />
göre, Türkiye’nin ancak BM Güvenlik<br />
Konseyi tarafından alınacak yetki ile harekete<br />
geçebileceği gözden kaçırılmamalı. Bu<br />
gelişmelerin yanı sıra, Ankara, Türkiye’yi<br />
IŞİD’e karşı yapılacak saldırılarda “launching<br />
pad” (atış rampası) durumuna sokacak<br />
planları askeri ve siyasal açıdan ihtiyatla<br />
karşılıyor. Türkiye, İncirlik Hava Üssü’nü,<br />
tam olarak koalisyon hava gücüne açmasa<br />
dahi, ABD, hâlihazırda insansız hava araçları<br />
aracılığıyla Irak hava sahası üzerinde<br />
keşif uçuşları için tam etkinliği ile kullanıyor.<br />
02<br />
NATO Genel Sekreteri<br />
Jens Stoltenberg ve<br />
Türkiye Cumhuriyeti<br />
Dışişleri Bakanı Mevlüt<br />
Çavuşoğlu.<br />
02<br />
NATO Secretary General<br />
Jens Stoltenberg and<br />
Turkish Minister of<br />
Foreign Affairs Mevlüt<br />
Çavuşoğlu.<br />
ABD’NİN KOBANİ YAKLAŞIMINDAKİ TEMEL<br />
PARAMETRELER<br />
ABD’nin IŞİD’le mücadelede benimsediği<br />
mevcut stratejisinde, Suriye Esad rejimi birregion<br />
are considered, an air operation<br />
which lacks sufficient and high firepower<br />
land forces will fail. This situation<br />
may prolong the war, increase the death<br />
rate among civilians and lead to a new<br />
violence cycle that will make the region<br />
unstable for several decades.<br />
However when mass immigration confronted<br />
by Syria, the collapsed bureaucracy<br />
and the ongoing civil war are considered,<br />
it seems inevitable that a new<br />
fight will change the borders via PKK,<br />
PYD and YPG’s gaining control of the<br />
region with the military and political aid<br />
offered by the West. As a matter of fact,<br />
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said,<br />
“There is no difference between PKK<br />
and PYD”. In the meeting held in<br />
Duhok, PYD declared autonomy in<br />
Afrin, Cezire and Kobani. However, ISIS<br />
or PYD’s control of our borders with<br />
Syria and Iraq which is 1250 km long is<br />
unacceptable for the national security of<br />
Turkey. Turkey, despite all these negative<br />
aspects, have opened its borders for<br />
200.000 Kobani refugees in addition to<br />
1.6 million Syrian refugees in Turkey.<br />
In case Turkish Army initiates a military<br />
operation in Iraq or Syria, such an<br />
operation will trigger the risk of a war<br />
with the Syrian army, Hezbollah militia<br />
and Iran’s paramilitary forces and will<br />
indirectly lead to a Turkish-Iran conflict<br />
in Syrian territories. On the other hand,<br />
according to international law, one<br />
should not miss the fact that Turkey can<br />
only act under the authority to be granted<br />
by UN Security Council. Apart from<br />
these developments, Ankara cautiously<br />
considers the plans in which Turkey<br />
becomes a launching pad in the attacks<br />
against ISIS in military and political<br />
aspects. Even yet Turkey has not opened<br />
the İncirlik Air Base to the air force of<br />
coalition, USA utilizes it in full function<br />
via unmanned drones for exploration<br />
over Iraq air zone.<br />
BASIC PARAMETERS OF USA’S<br />
APPROACH TO KOBANI<br />
In the current strategy of USA against<br />
ISIS, we observe that military forces<br />
and facilities of the Assad regime in<br />
Syria are being kept out of target and an<br />
intelligence cooperation is established<br />
with Damascus. As a result, ongoing<br />
conflicts in the region are expected to<br />
further intensify. We can say that<br />
HAZAR WORLD<br />
19