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for forbidden women—had unmanned them, and placed them outside the<br />

boundaries <strong>of</strong> masculine honor. Moreover, their decision to operate outside these<br />

rules <strong>of</strong> conduct absolved the British from addressing their grievances or from<br />

showing them mercy. A poem in the Anglo-Indian Delhi Gazette put it plainly<br />

when it cried, "No mercy's shown to men whose hands/ With women's blood yet<br />

reek!"[73]<br />

That rebel sepoys would commit such unspeakable crimes against women was<br />

attributed both to racial characteristics and to religion. In India, the conflict had<br />

hardened racial hatreds among British <strong>of</strong>ficers long before Kanpur.<br />

Correspondence reveals widespread use <strong>of</strong> the word ‘nigger’ and other racially<br />

antagonistic language when referring to natives, and <strong>of</strong>ficers writing home<br />

frequently echoed the contention that "[t]he race <strong>of</strong> men in India are certainly the<br />

most abominable, degraded lot <strong>of</strong> brutes that you can imagine, they don't seem to<br />

have a single good quality."[74] In the British and Anglo-Indian media, such<br />

language received almost unqualified sanction in the wake <strong>of</strong> Kanpur. Despite<br />

the fact that a majority <strong>of</strong> high-caste Bengal army sepoys were traditionally<br />

recruited for their tall physiques and light skin, British sources depicted "gangs<br />

<strong>of</strong> black satyrs" raping and dismembering British women, and called rebel<br />

Indians "that venom race," "in heart as black as face."[75]<br />

<strong>The</strong>se ‘black’ villains were also believed to be depraved because <strong>of</strong> their<br />

religion, whether Hindu or Muslim, for in both cases religion was presumed to<br />

have encouraged the rape and murder <strong>of</strong> British women. Rumors circulated that<br />

some <strong>of</strong> the women at Kanpur were raped, kidnapped, and forced to convert to<br />

Islam.[76] High-caste Brahmins were said to be slaves to the requirements <strong>of</strong><br />

caste, which supposedly included debased notions <strong>of</strong> masculine honor. Shortly<br />

after Kanpur, the Delhi Gazette bellowed:<br />

We shall never again occupy a high ground in India until we have put a yoke<br />

upon the Brahmins. We have conceded too much to the insolence <strong>of</strong> caste. Not<br />

one high caste man should henceforward be entrusted with a sword.... He has<br />

been trusted with power, and how has he betrayed it? <strong>The</strong> graves <strong>of</strong> 100 English<br />

women and children—worse, the unburied bones <strong>of</strong> those poor victims—are the<br />

monuments <strong>of</strong> high bred sepoy chivalry.[77]<br />

By their crimes at Kanpur, then, both Hindu and Muslim sepoys had given up all<br />

claims to manliness, to honor, to bravery, and to chivalry. Moreover, both their<br />

‘race’ and their religion were increasingly called upon to explain the loss <strong>of</strong> those<br />

claims.<br />

<strong>The</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> such narrative constructions were not merely textual—instead,<br />

they had real effects in the material world. Perhaps most importantly, they<br />

legitimated acts <strong>of</strong> appalling vengeance by British forces. At the same time,<br />

however, British control over these narratives either glossed or completely<br />

ignored the extent <strong>of</strong> British acts <strong>of</strong> brutality against Indian soldiers and civilians.<br />

As one <strong>of</strong> the conflict’s most influential historians put it in 1864, the <strong>Rebellion</strong><br />

had been fought by "English heroes" who, in the end, "marched triumphantly to<br />

96

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