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Democratization and Military Reform in the Philippines Security Threats The importance of improved security can be seen when we look at the preponderance of challengers to the state’s authority and their persistence over decades. The Philippines are a perfect setting for insurgency and local political domination. The size of the archipelago alone – 7,107 islands covering an area of around 300,000 km2 – is enough to cause problems for policing. With much of the land covered by thick jungles, there are many places for guerrillas to hide and many remote settlements that can be isolated from national power. Just as important as the geographic predisposition for the development of autonomous bases of powers is the prevalence of military equipment. During the Second World War, Japanese and American soldiers left thousands of weapons in the hands of resistance fighters. These became the armament of the private armies and guerrillas that emerged in the post-war period. Since then foreigners, particularly businessmen, have smuggled in weapons and ammunition to militants (Van der Kroef, 1987). As the supplies left from the Second World War became antiquated, guerrillas and mercenaries were able to replace these with supplies stolen from the national military or purchased from the soldiers (Kessler, 1989). There is also reason to revolt. The country is badly polarized economically, and these class differences are entrenched and ingrained in the popular consciousness (Bello, 2005). For these and other reasons, the country has been host to insurgencies for much of the last century and continues to be a battleground. One of the threats to national security comes from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) that fight on behalf of the Muslim minority in the country’s southern Islands. While the population base for these movements is likely too small to ever seriously challenge the Philippine government, they have been tenacious fighters and have succeeded in inflicting heavy damages. Marcos concentrated his counterinsurgency forces against the Muslim separatists, realizing that this was one of the most economically costly insurgencies (McKenna, 1998; 165). Although no cease-fires have been lasting, the fighting has become less intense since its peak in 1976. Che Man argues that despite its weakening, the movement is likely to continue into the future as it is based in a group 324
Marcus Schulzke, State University of New York at Albany (USA) that was once autonomous and which is clearly distinct from the rest of the population. “The persistence of the movements will reflect their will to survive, and their struggles will likely be characterized by periodic resurgence and recedence depending on the internal and external factors which trigger or retard them” (Che Man, 1990; 178- 9). The power of Muslim insurgents has declined steadily over the past decade, making them less a priority for the AFP. Nevertheless, it is essential that they devote much of their attention to finishing their work against MILF and MNLF. The MILF still has around 12,000 members (Wiencek, 2005; 251). – enough to continue the fight for years. The fight against Islamic insurgents must also be intensified as a way of guaranteeing continued international aid. The military reforms recommended in the final section can be best achieved with the help of American advisors. The Filipinos need to connect their security trouble with the American war on terror by targeting Islamic insurgents as a way of eliminating a domestic threat while simultaneously gaining more training resources. The second major threat to domestic security comes from the local officials who maintain their own forces. With the national government often unable or unwilling to provide defense against guerrillas, many governors and mayors are forced to rely on private armies for protection. Moreover, politicians need armed supporters to be viable candidates. They must often defend against rivals vying for the same seat and may be called on to support their patrons in the national government by pressuring constituents to vote for a particular candidate. Thus, there is some need for these private armies to provide security, but they are often abusive and need to be eliminated to allow for fair voting. Although private armies have become less powerful after repeated attempts to suppress them, no reforms have been sufficient to eliminate them. They were made illegal in 1987 by Constitution (Article 18, Section 24), but little has been done to enforce the ban (Riedinger, 1995; 134). According to Defense Secretary Noberto Gonzales, there are still around 132 private armies in the country, totaling around 10,000 armed members ("Private Armies in the Philippines: Guns and Goons," 2010). These forces continue to be major 325
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Marcus Schulzke, State University of New York at Albany (USA)<br />
that was once autonomous and which is clearly distinct from<br />
the rest of the population. “The persistence of the<br />
movements will reflect their will to survive, and their<br />
struggles will likely be characterized by periodic resurgence<br />
and recedence depending on the internal and external<br />
factors which trigger or retard them” (Che Man, 1990; 178-<br />
9).<br />
The power of Muslim insurgents has declined steadily<br />
over the past decade, making them less a priority for the<br />
AFP. Nevertheless, it is essential that they devote much of<br />
their attention to finishing their work against MILF and<br />
MNLF. The MILF still has around 12,000 members (Wiencek,<br />
2005; 251). – enough to continue the fight for years. The<br />
fight against Islamic insurgents must also be intensified as a<br />
way of guaranteeing continued international aid. The<br />
military reforms recommended in the final section can be<br />
best achieved with the help of American advisors. The<br />
Filipinos need to connect their security trouble with the<br />
American war on terror by targeting Islamic insurgents as a<br />
way of eliminating a domestic threat while simultaneously<br />
gaining more training resources.<br />
The second major threat to domestic security comes from<br />
the local officials who maintain their own forces. With the<br />
national government often unable or unwilling to provide<br />
defense against guerrillas, many governors and mayors are<br />
forced to rely on private armies for protection. Moreover,<br />
politicians need armed supporters to be viable candidates.<br />
They must often defend against rivals vying for the same seat<br />
and may be called on to support their patrons in the national<br />
government by pressuring constituents to vote for a<br />
particular candidate. Thus, there is some need for these<br />
private armies to provide security, but they are often abusive<br />
and need to be eliminated to allow for fair voting.<br />
Although private armies have become less powerful after<br />
repeated attempts to suppress them, no reforms have been<br />
sufficient to eliminate them. They were made illegal in 1987<br />
by Constitution (Article 18, Section 24), but little has been<br />
done to enforce the ban (Riedinger, 1995; 134). According to<br />
Defense Secretary Noberto Gonzales, there are still around<br />
132 private armies in the country, totaling around 10,000<br />
armed members ("Private Armies in the Philippines: Guns<br />
and Goons," 2010). These forces continue to be major<br />
325