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Marcus Schulzke, State University of New York at Albany (USA)<br />

an excuse to increase their own power and bring state<br />

resources under personal control. It also justifies the<br />

formation of private armies and vigilante groups. Marcos, the<br />

country’s exemplar of misused executive power, was only<br />

able to declare martial law and retain his office because of<br />

the perceived threat from militant factions (McCoy, 2009;<br />

16), and in turn, martial law helped to increase the power of<br />

the country’s guerrillas by pushing moderates to endorse<br />

anyone challenging state power. On the other hand, misuse<br />

of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the police plays a<br />

significant role in increasing support for militant factions.<br />

No recent Philippine politicians can really be described as<br />

running high-capacity governments. Marcos had the greatest<br />

power of any president during his period of martial law, but<br />

even then, he could not disarm the country’s private armies<br />

or defeat the insurgents. He ruled by virtue of relative<br />

capacity, holding enough power to defend his patrimony but<br />

lacking the force to control the entire archipelago. His form<br />

of rule – sultanistic governance in which power is<br />

maintained by the threat of force and all competing parties<br />

are excluded from governing – is what we might expect from<br />

a high-capacity regime. Indeed, if he had been more<br />

powerful, the problem of his dictatorial rule would certainly<br />

have been exacerbated. He shows the risk at the high state<br />

capacity extreme of the spectrum without achieving the<br />

benefits of stability and unity that may accompany<br />

authoritarian rule.<br />

Democracies need autonomous bases of power that can<br />

challenge the state when politicians overstep the limits of<br />

their office. In most democratic societies, the checks on<br />

government power are peaceful groups that can work<br />

through state institutions or use non-violent tactics like<br />

strikes and demonstrations. Autonomous bases of power are<br />

essential for democratic rule, but when these are armed and<br />

maintain a local monopoly on violence, as they often do in<br />

the Philippines, non-governmental power is antithetical to<br />

good government. Thus, political development depends on<br />

eliminating these threats, while at the same time not<br />

imbuing security forces with excessive power or allowing<br />

them to become the basis for dictatorial power.<br />

323

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