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Journal of Asia Pacific Studies ( 2010) Vol 1, No 2, 320-337 Democratization and Military Reform in the Philippines Marcus Schulzke, State University of New York at Albany (USA) Abstract: The Philippines are one of the most successful Asian democracies, with regular elections, a broad electorate, and peaceful transfers of power between parties. However, the country’s political development is threatened my multiple armed factions. Muslim insurgents, private armies, and communist guerrillas pose a challenge to democratic rule as each tests state capacity and drives the state to use repressive measures. These threats persist because of the lack of professionalism in the Philippine Armed Forces – a military that is plagued by corruption, abuse of civilians, and ineffectiveness against the insurgents. This essay shows that an essential step in the Philippines’ continuing democratization is to reshape the AFP into a more effective and politically neutral force. Keywords: The Philippines, Democracy, Military Reform, Elections Introduction The Philippines are often considered one of the participants in the third wave of democratization, but its path toward democracy has been erratic. Even before Marcos’ dictatorial reign, the country’s democracy was marred by heavy electoral violence and corruption. In the years leading up to the declaration of martial law in 1972, the government displayed many signs of a healthy procedural democracy. Elections were held at regular intervals, there was high participation, and there were strong political parties. There was also a low rate of incumbency – no president was reelected for a second term between 1946 and 1969 (Kann, 1974; 612). This streak was only broken when Marcos won his second term. However, the country was still substantively undemocratic as it was sharply divided and political violence was rampant. There were insurgencies, many private armies, and a high rate of violent crime that surged during election season (McCoy, 2009; 14). In fact, Marcos’ reelection in 1971 set a record with 223 320
Marcus Schulzke, State University of New York at Albany (USA) people killed and 250 wounded (Thompson, 1995; 42). Redemocratization began when Marcos was forced from power in 1986 and while the country is on the right path to development, its progress will be threatened until the government can deal with the country’s numerous militant factions. Huntington selects the Philippines, along with Brazil, India, and Peru, as one of the most threatened third wave countries. It faces major insurgencies, poverty, socioeconomic inequality, a large external debt, and problems created by state economic regulation (S. Huntington, 1993; 253-5). Other specialists on democratization agree with this assessment, and highlight the Philippines as one of the most problematic of the transitioning countries (Diamond, 1999, 2008). These are serious problems, made worse because they reinforce each other. The endemic violence is fueled by inadequate resources for military training, the prevalence of elite-controlled private armies, and mistrust between different classes. The violence, in turn, works to justify class inequalities and social repression. If the Philippines have any hope of continuing along their path of democratization it is essential that politicians address national security in order to put an end to the use of violence by non-state organizations. The key to maintaining security is a more effective military that is capable of fighting guerrillas and disarming private armies. Hitherto, these goals have been unattainable because of rampant corruption, abuse of civilians, and the politicization of the military. There is a strong need for increased government capacity, but that it cannot be closely attached to a particular person or party as state security forces have been in the past. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) should be strengthened to fight the guerrillas, but improvements to it must not be made if they risk making it capable of overwhelming the government. The key to improving the state’s capacity to deal with insurgents and private armies, while at the same time strengthening the democracy, is to develop a professional military that serves the president out of loyalty to the state rather than personal loyalty. The military must become a depoliticized bureaucratic force as is common in western democracies. As this essay will show, this is a realistic goal as the country 321
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