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Why the West should Discourage Japanese Military Expansion in the largest volume of bilateral trade in history. They are intertwined with investment, production and consumption, and 10 million Chinese work in Japanese firms [Samuels, 2007, p136]. In a situation of rising Japanese and Chinese power and cooperation, it is likely that Western influence in Asia could decline, and attempts by the US to retain such influence could lead to resentment and conflict [Matthews, 2003, pp88-89]. While America dominated Japanese foreign policy, hostilities by Japan or alliances forged in opposition to Western interests were precluded. This facilitated détente with China, and pro-Western policies throughout Southeast Asia. Encouraging independence in Japanese foreign policy holds a wide potential for developments inimical to Western interests. As this is the case, expressions of this independence should be limited as much as possible. While the likelihood of Japan attaining a UN Security Council seat is extremely low, and China has already made its opposition clear, the West should oppose the goal in order to limit Japan’s ‘Great Power’ ambitions [[Pyle, 2007, p334]. And if rising Japanese nationalism can be seen as a threat, then reference to past Japanese war atrocities remains important for discouraging the careless embracing of those ideas by the Japanese public, and maintaining the vigilance of the international community against their repetition. As much as many analysts want to promote Japan’s new foreign policy as the ‘natural’ transition to becoming a ‘normal’ power, I believe that the American decision to encourage this transition is short-sighted and may result in detriment to Western interests. References Bukh Alexander, Japan’s National Identity and Foreign Policy: Russia as Japan’s ‘Other’, London: Routledge, 2010. 318
Dr. David Robinson, Edith Cowan University (Australia) Friedman, George, The Next 100 Years: A Forecast for the 21st Century, New York: Anchor Books, 2009. Inoguichi, Takashi and Paul Bacon, “Japan’s Emerging Role as a ‘Global Ordinary Power’”, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, Vol 6, 2006, pp1-21. Mackerras, Colin, “From Imperialism to the End of the Cold War”, in Anthony McGrew and Christopher Brook (eds), Asia-Pacific in the New World Order, New York: Routledge, 1998. Matthews, Eugene A. “Japan’s New Nationalism”, Foreign Affairs, Vol 82, No 6, Nov-Dec 2003, pp74-90. Mirashita, A. “Introduction: A Framework for Analysis”, in Akitoshi Miyashita and Yichiro Sato (eds), Japanese Foreign Policy in Asia and the Pacific, New York: Palgrave, 2001, pp1-13. Phillips, Sara, “Japan heading for a sea of isolation”, ABC News (Australia) – Environment, 29 Mar 2010, Accessed 30/03/10 at http://www.abc.net.au/environment/articles/2010/03/29/2858777.htm Pyle, Kenneth, Japan Rising: The Resurgence of Japanese Power and Purpose, New York: Public Affairs, 2007. Pyle, Kenneth, “Restructuring Foreign and Defence Policy: Japan”, in Anthony McGrew and Christopher Brook (eds), Asia-Pacific in the New World Order, New York: Routledge, 1998, pp121-136. Samuels, Richard J. Securing Japan: Tokyo’s Grand Strategy and the Future of East Asia, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007. Sata, Yoichiro, “Conclusion: Japan in Asia and the Pacific”, in Akitoshi Miyashita and Yichiro Sato (eds), Japanese Foreign Policy in Asia and the Pacific, New York: Palgrave, 2001, pp197-203. Singh, Bhubhindar, “Japan’s Security Policy: From a Peace State to an International State”, The Pacific Review, Vol 21, No 3, 2008, pp303-325. 319
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Why the West should Discourage Japanese Military Expansion<br />
in the largest volume of bilateral trade in history. They are<br />
intertwined with investment, production and consumption,<br />
and 10 million Chinese work in Japanese firms [Samuels,<br />
2007, p136]. In a situation of rising Japanese and Chinese<br />
power and cooperation, it is likely that Western influence in<br />
Asia could decline, and attempts by the US to retain such<br />
influence could lead to resentment and conflict [Matthews,<br />
2003, pp88-89].<br />
While America dominated Japanese foreign policy, hostilities<br />
by Japan or alliances forged in opposition to Western<br />
interests were precluded. This facilitated détente with China,<br />
and pro-Western policies throughout Southeast Asia.<br />
Encouraging independence in Japanese foreign policy holds<br />
a wide potential for developments inimical to Western<br />
interests. As this is the case, expressions of this<br />
independence should be limited as much as possible. While<br />
the likelihood of Japan attaining a UN Security Council seat<br />
is extremely low, and China has already made its opposition<br />
clear, the West should oppose the goal in order to limit<br />
Japan’s ‘Great Power’ ambitions [[Pyle, 2007, p334]. And if<br />
rising Japanese nationalism can be seen as a threat, then<br />
reference to past Japanese war atrocities remains important<br />
for discouraging the careless embracing of those ideas by the<br />
Japanese public, and maintaining the vigilance of the<br />
international community against their repetition. As much<br />
as many analysts want to promote Japan’s new foreign<br />
policy as the ‘natural’ transition to becoming a ‘normal’<br />
power, I believe that the American decision to encourage this<br />
transition is short-sighted and may result in detriment to<br />
Western interests.<br />
References<br />
Bukh Alexander, Japan’s National Identity and Foreign Policy: Russia as<br />
Japan’s ‘Other’, London: Routledge, 2010.<br />
318