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Dr. David Robinson, Edith Cowan University (Australia)<br />

and diplomatic skills” [Sata, 2001, p200]. Since then the<br />

Self-Defense Force has been authorised to use an<br />

increasingly wide range of weaponry in their operations, and<br />

public support for Japan’s use of force for defensive<br />

purposes has risen [Inoguichi, 2006, pp4-5]. So far Japanese<br />

security policy remains triangulated between its still-pacifist<br />

constitution, the UN Charter, and the US-Japanese Security<br />

Treaty [Singh, 2008, p314]. However, sections of the<br />

Japanese media and political establishment increasingly call<br />

for Japan to acquire a greater range of defence systems,<br />

including long-range fighters, nuclear submarines, a missile<br />

defence system, and intelligence-gathering satellites<br />

[Inoguichi, 2006, pp13-15]. Self-Defence Force spending is<br />

increasing dramatically, and there are calls to amend Article<br />

9 of the constitution, and even to produce nuclear weapons<br />

[Matthews, 2003, p76]. Eugene Matthews argues that Japan<br />

nationalism is rising and, “This development could have an<br />

alarming consequence: namely, the rise of a militarized,<br />

assertive, and nuclear-armed Japan” [Matthews, 2003,<br />

pp74-75].<br />

Japan is slowly shifting its political attitudes and<br />

institutional capabilities towards force projection outside of<br />

its borders, with the encouragement of the United States.<br />

Matthews writes that mainstream Japanese nationalists<br />

want, “the respect, political influence, and power<br />

commensurate with being the world’s second most important<br />

economy and a major contributor to world affairs”<br />

[Matthews, 2003, p85]. Meanwhile, for America there is less<br />

motivation to carry Japan’s defence load, as technology<br />

lessens the US Navy’s reliance on Japanese bases – which<br />

are themselves high-value targets for enemy nations<br />

[Samuels, 2007, p192]. Japan’s new strategy involves<br />

contributing to the international community responsibly,<br />

while being seen as increasingly independent from the<br />

United States [Singh, 2008, p316]. Pyle notes that, ironically,<br />

in the past the Yoshida Doctrine actually denied Japan the<br />

opportunity to demonstrate its responsibility as a military<br />

power [Pyle, 1998, p130].<br />

Most analysts recognise that a more independent Japanese<br />

foreign policy will lead to divergences from American policies<br />

315

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