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THE STATE OF AMERICA'S CHILDREN YEARBOOK 1998 women are denied WIC benefits, their newborns are more likely to be of low birthweight. These infants will be American citizens because they are born on U.S. soil, and they will consequently be entitled to Medicaid coverage if they are poor or near-poor. Medicaid coverage for low-birthweight infants is costly, and states bear a sizable share of Medicaid costs. Thus a state decision to exclude undocumented immigrants from WIC, which is fully funded by the federal government, would probably mean higher Medicaid expenses for the state, along with increases in low-birthweight births, childhood anemia, and even infant mortality. State Procedures: An Obstacle to Food Stamp Assistance? As noted earlier, the number of food stamp participants plummeted by 3.9 million in the past year, an unprecedented decline. Improvement in the economy accounts for some ofthis drop, and some is attributable to the welfare law, which makes legal immigrants and certain other individuals and households ineligible for food stamps. The data strongly suggest an additional contributing factor: a decline in the proportion ofchildren eligible for food stamps whose parents actually apply for and receive them. It is not clear why the food stamp participation rate is falling among eligible children. The droJXlff is probably due in part to families being inappropriately removed from the food stamp program when they lose cash assistance. Under the Food Stamp Act, families who leave the welfare rolls because they have exceeded the state's welfare income limit or because they have hit a time limit on cash assistance may not simply be terminated from food stamps. In such cases, the families are supposed to continue receiving food stamps unless the state agency fmds them ineligible for food stamps as well. However, it appears that in some areas, these families may be losing food stamp assistance when they leave the welfare rolls. In addition, some states are diverting large numbers of families from their welfare programs by various means. For example, some states require a month or more of job search before the families can apply for cash assistance. Others give families a one-time payment, such as a lump sum to fix an old car so a parent can fmd or keep a job, in lieu of monthly public assistance payments. These procedures seem to be discouraging some low-income families from applying not only for cash assistance but also for food stamps. Some who are still eligible for, and in need of, food stamps may mistakenly believe they will be turned away. Reductions in the Family Child Care Component of CACFP Federally funded school breakfasts and lunches, WIC, the summer food program, and CACFP have been a bulwark against child hunger and malnutrition for school-age children, infants, and preschoolers. However, the welfare law reduces these child nutrition programs by $2.9 billion between 1997 and 2002. More than 85 percent of these reductions come in CACFP, which primarily helps pay for meals provided to children in child care centers and family child care homes. Most of the CACFP cuts result from reduced federal support for meals served in family child care homes that are not located in low-income areas or operated by lowincome providers. Before the welfare law was enacted, the family child care component of CACFP did not make income a consideration in its benefit structure. It offered the same meal reimbursement rates for all children, regardless of family income (although those rates were somewhat lower than what CACFP paid child care centers for meals for lowincome children). Approximately one-third of CACFP spending for family child care went toward meals for low-income children (those whose family earnings fell below 185 percent ofthe poverty line). Two-thirds supported meals served to children from households at higher income levels, but providers had to meet state licensing requirements. This encouraged many small family child care 58 CHI L D R E 'S D E FEN S E FUN D

CHILD NUTRITION ;;0".;'-'- .... providers to become licensed, thus helping to expand the supply and quality of child care. Under the welfare law the rules and meal reimbursement rates in effect before July I, 1997 apply only to family child care homes located in lowincome areas or operated by low-income providers. For other homes, the law reduced aggregate meal reimbursements by about one-half, on the presumption that these homes serve children whose families are not low-income and have less need. The providers in these homes can arrange for a means test for the children in their care; only then can they receive substantially higher reimbursement rates for meals fed to children who have family incomes below 185 percent of the poverty line. Key questions remain as to whether large numbers offamily child care homes outside low-income areas or not operated by low-income providers will drop out of the program (or, in the case of new homes, not seek to enter it), and to what extent low-income children and families will be affected. The meal reimbursement rates for these homes have been reduced substantially. Many child advocates fear that the changes to CACFP will drive a substantial number of homes out of the program. Data are not yet available to determine to what extent this may be occurring. If many homes do withdraw and new ones do not join, the impact on children could be substantial. In addition to serving as an incentive for providers to become licensed, CACFP is one of the major sources of training and support for family child care providers. How states implement the changes may affect the extent to which homes drop out of the program. Family child care homes outside low-income areas are supposed to be allowed to use simple methods to show that some of their children are below 185 percent ofthe poverty line, without having to collect income forms from parents. States need to explain these rules clearly to family child care providers and sponsors. Subsidized Meal Programs Data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) show that while 6.2 million recipients lost food stamps between 1994 and 1997 (a 23 percent drop), participation in other major child nutrition programs increased (see figure 4.3). The school breakfast program showed the Figure 4.3 Participation In Food Programs While the food stamp program has shrunk drastically, subsidized meal programs are serving more children than ever before. 25 20 15 10 -5 -10 -15 -20 -25 Percentage change in number of participants, FY 1994 - FY 1997 Food stomp program 5dlOoilunch program 5

THE STATE OF AMERICA'S CHILDREN YEARBOOK 1998<br />

women are denied WIC benefits, their newborns<br />

are more likely to be of low birthweight. These<br />

infants will be American citizens because they are<br />

born on U.S. soil, and they will consequently be<br />

entitled to Medicaid coverage if they are poor or<br />

near-poor. Medicaid coverage for low-birthweight<br />

infants is costly, and states bear a sizable share of<br />

Medicaid costs. Thus a state decision to exclude<br />

undocumented immigrants from WIC, which is<br />

fully funded by the federal government, would<br />

probably mean higher Medicaid expenses for the<br />

state, along with increases in low-birthweight<br />

births, <strong>child</strong>hood anemia, and even infant<br />

mortality.<br />

State Procedures: An Obstacle<br />

to Food Stamp Assistance?<br />

As noted earlier, the number of food stamp participants<br />

plummeted by 3.9 million in the past<br />

year, an unprecedented decline. Improvement<br />

in the economy accounts for some ofthis drop, and<br />

some is attributable to the welfare law, which<br />

makes legal immigrants and certain other individuals<br />

and households ineligible for food stamps. The<br />

data strongly suggest an additional contributing<br />

factor: a decline in the proportion of<strong>child</strong>ren eligible<br />

for food stamps whose parents actually apply<br />

for and receive them.<br />

It is not clear why the food stamp participation<br />

rate is falling among eligible <strong>child</strong>ren. The droJXlff<br />

is probably due in part to families being inappropriately<br />

removed from the food stamp program<br />

when they lose cash assistance. Under the Food<br />

Stamp Act, families who leave the welfare rolls<br />

because they have exceeded the state's welfare income<br />

limit or because they have hit a time limit on<br />

cash assistance may not simply be terminated from<br />

food stamps. In such cases, the families are supposed<br />

to continue receiving food stamps unless the<br />

state agency fmds them ineligible for food stamps<br />

as well. However, it appears that in some areas,<br />

these families may be losing food stamp assistance<br />

when they leave the welfare rolls.<br />

In addition, some states are diverting large<br />

numbers of families from their welfare programs<br />

by various means. For example, some states require<br />

a month or more of job search before the<br />

families can apply for cash assistance. Others give<br />

families a one-time payment, such as a lump sum<br />

to fix an old car so a parent can fmd or keep a job,<br />

in lieu of monthly public assistance payments.<br />

These procedures seem to be discouraging some<br />

low-income families from applying not only for<br />

cash assistance but also for food stamps. Some<br />

who are still eligible for, and in need of, food<br />

stamps may mistakenly believe they will be turned<br />

away.<br />

Reductions in the Family Child Care<br />

Component of CACFP<br />

Federally funded school breakfasts and lunches,<br />

WIC, the summer food program, and CACFP<br />

have been a bulwark against <strong>child</strong> hunger and<br />

malnutrition for school-age <strong>child</strong>ren, infants, and<br />

preschoolers. However, the welfare law reduces<br />

these <strong>child</strong> nutrition programs by $2.9 billion between<br />

1997 and 2002.<br />

More than 85 percent of these reductions<br />

come in CACFP, which primarily helps pay for<br />

meals provided to <strong>child</strong>ren in <strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong> centers<br />

and family <strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong> homes. Most of the CACFP<br />

cuts result from reduced federal support for meals<br />

served in family <strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong> homes that are not<br />

located in low-income areas or operated by lowincome<br />

providers.<br />

Before the welfare law was enacted, the family<br />

<strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong> component of CACFP did not make<br />

income a consideration in its benefit structure. It<br />

offered the same meal reimbursement rates for all<br />

<strong>child</strong>ren, regardless of family income (although<br />

those rates were somewhat lower than what<br />

CACFP paid <strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong> centers for meals for lowincome<br />

<strong>child</strong>ren). Approximately one-third of<br />

CACFP spending for family <strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong> went toward<br />

meals for low-income <strong>child</strong>ren (those whose family<br />

earnings fell below 185 percent ofthe poverty line).<br />

Two-thirds supported meals served to <strong>child</strong>ren<br />

from households at higher income levels, but<br />

providers had to meet state licensing requirements.<br />

This encouraged many small family <strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong><br />

58 CHI L D R E 'S D E FEN S E FUN D

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