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THE STATE OF AMERICA'S CHILDREN YEARBOOK 1998 For example, under Connecticut's recently enacted statute, children with family income up to 185 percent of the federal poverty line ($24,661 for a family of three in 1997) qualify for Medicaid, and those with income between 185 and 300 percent of poverty ($39,990 for a family of three in 1997) qualify for a separate program. If a child with family income at 175 percent of poverty applies for the separate program, the child must be enrolled in Medicaid. Because the full range of Medicaid benefits is guaranteed, children are generally better protected by Medicaid. Implementation of CHIP and related research. A number ofstates were quick to develop plans for implementing the State Children's Health Insurance Program. Indeed, even before its enactment, Arkansas, Indiana, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia had all expanded Medicaid eligibility for children. Advocates working with state officials to design state programs have worked through many different issues, ranging from funding the state match to basic program design. COP's Web site (http://www.childrensdefense.org) provides an upto-date report on the status ofstate plans and information on key implementation issues. Several newly released studies address the charge that expansion of public health insurance programs "crowds out" other insurers from the market and leads to losses ofemployer-based coverage. For example, a 1997 Urban Institute study suggests that 40 percent of near-poor pregnant women reached by recent Medicaid expansions may otherwise have received employer coverage. That study, however, candidly admits that the cited declines in work-based coverage could be unrelated to Medicaid growth. Indeed, other research published in 1997 refutes the notion of a cause-and-effect relationship between expanded public health insurance and reduced employer coverage. Two studies examined public health insurance programs for low-income children in Florida and Minnesota and found that only a tiny fraction (2 and 3 percent, respectively) of new enrollees were previously covered through an employer. The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation's Alpha Center surveyed states that expanded children's health coverage and reported that state officials did not find significant "crowd-out." New Federal Developments in Medicaid Coverage The Balanced Budget Act of 1997 included other important Medicaid changes. The legislation gives state Medicaid programs the option of covering children for 12 consecutive months even iffarnily income rises or children lose eligibility for other reasons. This allows states to promote continuity of care and meet children's health needs despite changes in family circumstances. States also received the option to give children "presumptive eligibility," granting interim coverage before final eligibility has been determined, which can take months. Ifa preliminary investigation suggests that a child's family income is low enough to qualify for Medicaid, the child can be enrolled and begin receiving care immediately. By the end ofthe month after presumptive eligibility is granted, the family must apply for the child's ongoing Medicaid coverage. Whether or not the child is ultimately found eligible, the state reimburses providers for services furnished during the presumptive eligibility period, and the federal government matches state spending. Some of the costs are subtracted from a state's CHIP allocation, sometimes using the enhanced federal matching rate under CHIP. Another important development in 1997 concerned the EPSOT Medicaid benefits package for children. In this case, the news is what did not happen. Advocates feared that Congress would resume the assault on EPSOT's guarantee of medically necessary treatment-an assault that began with the broader, unsuccessful push for Medicaid block grants in 1995 and 1996. Indeed, an early draft proposal from the Senate Finance Committee would have repealed this guarantee. Thanks to a prompt and vigorous response by a broad range of groups-including children's advocates, disability 30 CHI L D R EN'S D E F ESE F U D

CHILD HEALTH rights groups, health care providers, the education community, religious organizations, health care consumer groups, and others-this provision was deleted from the Finance Committee's frnal proposal. The budget bill ultimately included a provision requiring only that HHS study EPSDT. New Developments in Managed Care Research published in 1997 documents the continuing shift from traditional, fee-for-service health coverage into managed care programs. All but two states offer some type of Medicaid managed care, and these programs are rapidly growing to include more families (see figure 2.4). HHS reports that from January I, 1993 to June 30, 1996, enrollment in Medicaid managed care programs increased by more than 170 percent. From 1995 to 1996 alone, enrollment jumped by over one-third. As ofJune 30, 1996, 40 percent ofMedicaid beneficiaries-13.3 million in all-were in managed care plans. The vast majority were families with children. This increase is part of a broader move to managed care that also includes privately insured persons. The proportion of all Americans enrolled in some form of managed care rose from 36 percent as recently as 1992 to fully 60 percent in 1996. Changes in Medicaid managed care laws. Before the 1997 Balanced Budget Act, federal law provided that Medicaid beneficiaries were free to choose their own health care providers (if the providers were willing to accept Medicaid's reimbursement, which in many states is very low, particularly for outpatient care). To require beneficiaries to enroll in managed care plans, states had to obtain a waiver of the law from the Health Care Financing Administration (HCFA), the federal agency that administers Medicaid. HCFA generally granted waiver requests but often imposed terms and conditions protecting quality or access to care. In addition, HCFA sometimes withheld approval of managed care waivers until states solved particularly serious problems, such as fraudulent marketing or grossly inadequate access to health care. Even in states with waivers, the "75/25 rule" typically required a managed care plan with Medicaid beneficiaries to have at least 25 percent ofits enrollees privately insured. Figure 2.4 Growth of Medicaid Managed Care Enrollment in Medicaid managed 50 Percentage of all Medicaid beneficiaries enrolled in managed care care plans more than 40 40.1% quadrupled from 1991 to 1996. Poor 30 children and their 20 parents constitute the vast majority of 10 Medicaid beneficiaries in managed core. 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 Source: U.S. Deportment of Health and Human Services, Health Core Financing Administration. CHILDRE 'S DEFENSE FU D 31

THE STATE OF AMERICA'S CHILDREN YEARBOOK 1998<br />

For example, under Connecticut's recently enacted<br />

statute, <strong>child</strong>ren with family income up<br />

to 185 percent of the federal poverty line<br />

($24,661 for a family of three in 1997) qualify<br />

for Medicaid, and those with income between<br />

185 and 300 percent of poverty ($39,990 for a<br />

family of three in 1997) qualify for a separate<br />

program. If a <strong>child</strong> with family income at 175<br />

percent of poverty applies for the separate program,<br />

the <strong>child</strong> must be enrolled in Medicaid.<br />

Because the full range of Medicaid benefits is<br />

guaranteed, <strong>child</strong>ren are generally better protected<br />

by Medicaid.<br />

Implementation of CHIP and related research.<br />

A number ofstates were quick to develop plans for<br />

implementing the State Children's Health Insurance<br />

Program. Indeed, even before its enactment,<br />

Arkansas, Indiana, Oklahoma, Rhode Island,<br />

South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia had all<br />

expanded Medicaid eligibility for <strong>child</strong>ren.<br />

Advocates working with state officials to design<br />

state programs have worked through many<br />

different issues, ranging from funding the state<br />

match to basic program design. COP's Web site<br />

(http://www.<strong>child</strong>rensdefense.org) provides an upto-date<br />

report on the status ofstate plans and information<br />

on key implementation issues.<br />

Several newly released studies address the<br />

charge that expansion of public health insurance<br />

programs "crowds out" other insurers from the<br />

market and leads to losses ofemployer-based coverage.<br />

For example, a 1997 Urban Institute study<br />

suggests that 40 percent of near-poor pregnant<br />

women reached by recent Medicaid expansions<br />

may otherwise have received employer coverage.<br />

That study, however, candidly admits that the cited<br />

declines in work-based coverage could be unrelated<br />

to Medicaid growth.<br />

Indeed, other research published in 1997 refutes<br />

the notion of a cause-and-effect relationship<br />

between expanded public health insurance and reduced<br />

employer coverage. Two studies examined<br />

public health insurance programs for low-income<br />

<strong>child</strong>ren in Florida and Minnesota and found that<br />

only a tiny fraction (2 and 3 percent, respectively)<br />

of new enrollees were previously covered through<br />

an employer. The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation's<br />

Alpha Center surveyed states that expanded<br />

<strong>child</strong>ren's health coverage and reported that state<br />

officials did not find significant "crowd-out."<br />

New Federal Developments in<br />

Medicaid Coverage<br />

The Balanced Budget Act of 1997 included<br />

other important Medicaid changes. The legislation<br />

gives state Medicaid programs the option<br />

of covering <strong>child</strong>ren for 12 consecutive<br />

months even iffarnily income rises or <strong>child</strong>ren lose<br />

eligibility for other reasons. This allows states to<br />

promote continuity of <strong>care</strong> and meet <strong>child</strong>ren's<br />

health needs despite changes in family circumstances.<br />

States also received the option to give <strong>child</strong>ren<br />

"presumptive eligibility," granting interim coverage<br />

before final eligibility has been determined, which<br />

can take months. Ifa preliminary investigation suggests<br />

that a <strong>child</strong>'s family income is low enough to<br />

qualify for Medicaid, the <strong>child</strong> can be enrolled and<br />

begin receiving <strong>care</strong> immediately. By the end ofthe<br />

month after presumptive eligibility is granted, the<br />

family must apply for the <strong>child</strong>'s ongoing Medicaid<br />

coverage. Whether or not the <strong>child</strong> is ultimately<br />

found eligible, the state reimburses providers for<br />

services furnished during the presumptive eligibility<br />

period, and the federal government matches<br />

state spending. Some of the costs are subtracted<br />

from a state's CHIP allocation, sometimes using<br />

the enhanced federal matching rate under CHIP.<br />

Another important development in 1997 concerned<br />

the EPSOT Medicaid benefits package for<br />

<strong>child</strong>ren. In this case, the news is what did not<br />

happen. Advocates feared that Congress would<br />

resume the assault on EPSOT's guarantee of medically<br />

necessary treatment-an assault that began<br />

with the broader, unsuccessful push for Medicaid<br />

block grants in 1995 and 1996. Indeed, an early<br />

draft proposal from the Senate Finance Committee<br />

would have repealed this guarantee. Thanks to a<br />

prompt and vigorous response by a broad range of<br />

groups-including <strong>child</strong>ren's advocates, disability<br />

30 CHI L D R EN'S D E F ESE F U D

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