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child care - Digital Library Collections

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THE STATE OF AMERICA'S CHILDREN YEARBOOK 1998<br />

hardest hit. Their median income plunged 33 percent<br />

between 1973 and 1994, from nearly<br />

$30,000 to less than $20,000 (in 1994 dollars).<br />

Median income for families headed by a high<br />

school dropout likewise shriveled by close to onethird<br />

between 1973 and 1996, while that for families<br />

headed by a college graduate rose slightly.<br />

During the same period, income gaps between<br />

upper- and lower- income families widened (see<br />

figure 1.2). The poorest one-fifth of families (with<br />

or without <strong>child</strong>ren) in 1996 had incomes 9 percent<br />

lower than in 1973, while family income for<br />

the wealthiest fifth increased 35 percent. Families<br />

in the top 5 percent gained most; their incomes<br />

were 55 percent higher in 1996 than similar families<br />

two decades before.<br />

Minorities in particular have lost ground.<br />

While White families with <strong>child</strong>ren gained 4 percent<br />

from 1976 to 1996, Black families lost 4 percent<br />

and Hispanic families, 9 percent. Among<br />

young families the racial disparities in the income<br />

decline are especially wide, although minority<br />

households in every age group sustained losses.<br />

From 1973 to 1994, income dropped 46 percent<br />

among young Black families with <strong>child</strong>ren, com-<br />

pared with 28 percent among young Hispanics and<br />

22 percent among young Whites.<br />

Two-parent families would have lost far more if<br />

mothers had not increase~ their participation in<br />

the paid labor force. Between 1975 and 1994, married<br />

mothers ages 25 to 29 increased their average<br />

annual work time by more than 60 percent, according<br />

to CDF's calculations. Even so, young married<br />

couples with <strong>child</strong>ren typically had incomes 12<br />

percent lower in 1994 than in 1973 because the<br />

mother's additional work could not offset the 30<br />

percent decline in the father's earnings in the same<br />

period.<br />

The need for both parents to work in order to<br />

staunch the loss of wages has had far-reaching consequences<br />

for <strong>child</strong>ren. More money must be spent<br />

on <strong>child</strong> <strong>care</strong> and other job-related expenses. The<br />

availability of private health insurance through<br />

work has plummeted (see chapter 2), so working<br />

families with <strong>child</strong>ren must spend more out of<br />

pocket to meet their health <strong>care</strong> needs. These burdens<br />

are difficult enough for two-parent families<br />

but even more challenging for single parents. Their<br />

incomes are low; Census Bureau data reveal that in<br />

1996 nearly half (49 percent) of all <strong>child</strong>ren in<br />

Figure 1.1<br />

The Working Poor<br />

Work does not<br />

guarantee that families<br />

will escape poverty.<br />

A large and growing<br />

proportion of poor<br />

families with <strong>child</strong>ren<br />

are headed by<br />

someone who works.<br />

60<br />

58<br />

56<br />

54<br />

52<br />

50<br />

Percentage of poor families with <strong>child</strong>ren<br />

headed by someone who worked during the year<br />

Source: u.s. Deportment of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Calculations by Children's<br />

Defense Fund.<br />

2 CHILDRE 'S DEFENSE FUND

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